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You Can Be Addicted to Weed. I Was When I Was 12. Gideon Modisett
In April, my father and I were at a Passover seder in Los Angeles hosted by some family friends. There was a man there in his sixties telling a story about going to college in the seventies, and all the drugs and partying he did.
At one point, someone asked where all his friends are today, and he said something like, “Everyone’s fine except for one who died of an overdose, but he got into the addictive drugs, you know.”
Under my breath, I said, “The addictive drugs?”
An older woman sitting next to me told me to speak up, so I did.
“I just feel like all drugs are addictive,” I said.
“Not weed,” he replied. He seemed pretty sure about this.
In my head, I was thinking, What?! But we were at a seder, and I didn’t want to be rude, so instead, I just said, “Gonna have to disagree with you there.”
I was 12 and in the seventh grade when Covid hit, and I immediately lost all my school friends. I became a regular at the local skate park, in Atwater Village, a few miles west of downtown L.A., just to get some real-world face time with other kids. But because I was a few years younger than the others, no one wanted to be my friend.
That is, until I met a high school sophomore named Martin. Martin was sarcastic and chubby and a good skater, and he didn’t care about our age difference, and he lived in the neighborhood.
We quickly became best friends because of our shared isolation, and pretty soon he invited me to his house.
Martin lived about a mile away from me, and every day after Zoom school ended, I put on my Nike Dunks and walked to his place.
The first time I went there, I walked into his room to see him and his brother, who was in his early twenties, smoking from a bong. I had known that this was a thing that older kids did, so I didn’t freak out or anything, even though I’d never smoked before. Martin was my only friend at the time, and I didn’t want to make him any more aware of my age than he already was. When they offered me a hit, I said yes.
For a while, I smoked only with Martin and his brother. We usually got high in a bedroom shared by his three siblings. I don’t really remember what we talked about. After we got high, we’d usually go to the Foster Freeze. I’d get an Oreo milkshake. It was great.
Until Martin’s family couldn’t afford to live in L.A. anymore. Martin didn’t have a dad, and his mom was a trucker and almost always on the road—she wired cash for groceries to one of Martin’s sisters—and money was super tight, so they decided to move to Idaho. Martin’s parting gift to me was the rest of his weed and the number of his dealer. I think her name was Veronica. She was two years older than I was.
And then I was back to having no friends. Every day.
But now I had weed to make me numb whenever I felt like feeling numb, which was often, and then more often. I began smoking on my own—first, only on weekends and only at the skate park, and then only at the skate park or on weekends behind the Costco, and then only at the skate park or behind the Costco or, you know, when I was walking somewhere, and then, eventually, anytime and anywhere I wanted to. I didn’t realize I was losing control. It was just something I did, and then more and more.
At some point, I switched to disposable vape THC pens, which don’t have much of a smell and are better for smoking indoors. Regular weed has around 15 percent THC, or tetrahydrocannabinol, in it, but a preloaded vape pen can have 45 to 70 percent. It’s easy to get—Veronica had them, or other friends, or this guy who had a little stand on Hollywood Boulevard—and in time I got pretty comfortable with the whole thing. My parents found my pen once, and they came into my room once or twice when I was high.
The drug was so convenient. It was like my phone. I could take my weed wherever I went. I could be high anytime I wanted to be, which was almost always.
I think my older brother knew what was up, but he was busy doing his own thing. Mostly applying to college and graduating from high school.
By May 2021, school was starting to move back to normal. We were doing the hybrid thing then, with intermittent in-person and Zoom classes. But I was smoking more than ever. In fact, now it was a problem when I couldn’t be high, because that would make me angry, and my anger was on a hair trigger. It got to the point where I would smoke myself to sleep during weekdays and then, on weekends, smoke until I puked and passed out.
You might think it was hard to hide all this from my parents, and it could be, but also, I got good at papering over things, covering my tracks, lying.
On January 3, 2022, I smoked my last joint on Melrose Boulevard. This was not planned. It just happened that way, although in retrospect it feels like a quasi-religious moment.
It was late afternoon, I was smoking, and my mom called me to see when I’d be home for dinner, and I had the tiniest bit of weed left in my roach. I remember saying I’d be home soon.
That was when these ultra-Orthodox Jewish guys in their black hats and kippahs and tallises walked by. This was near Fairfax, the center of Orthodox life in the city, so it’s not as weird as it sounds—and they stopped, looked at me, and approached me the way Chabad guys approach young men they suspect of being Jewish. They were hoping I’d wrap tefillin with them—tefillin are the miniature leather boxes that contain parchment that you wrap around your arms and forehead while you pray. They wanted me to be closer to God. I had never wrapped tefillin, but I said, “Yes, I am Jewish, and yes, I would like to wrap tefillin—just give me a second to get off the phone.”
So I got off the phone with my Mom, and we wrapped tefillin—the black leather curling up my arm, the little black box attached to my forehead, me praying with my new Chabad friends on the corner of Melrose and somewhere.
When we were done, I removed the tefillin, jumped on a bus, and headed home, and when I entered the house, my parents—who were sitting in the living room and by this point onto me—asked me to empty my pockets. I pulled out three joints.
Suddenly, all the lying caught up with me, and everything was out in the open.
I don’t remember much about what went down. I remember my parents were very angry and disappointed, and I think my mom cried, and then I cried, and I remember I was screaming, but I can’t remember exactly what. I was still high from the weed I’d smoked. Five minutes later, we sat down to dinner the way we always did, except this time we ate in silence.
The next day, at my mom’s urging, I attended my first Marijuana Anonymous meeting on Zoom. I sat on the couch in the living room. My mom sat next to me. There were maybe twenty people in the meeting, no leader, just people talking about how they wound up there.
It was super difficult. Because I’d been suppressing my emotions with the weed the whole time, when they came back, they came back strong.
But the MA meetings helped. The big thing they drilled into your head was if something bad happens that you can’t control, just accept it. That was the word: accept. That way, you’re less likely to get upset, and less likely to self-medicate.
I remember getting my 30-day chip, which looks like a big coin and represents one month of sobriety.
Then I got my 60-day chip.
Then my 90-day chip.
Slowly, the mood swings went away. I thought about weed a lot, but I didn’t want it as much.
And then even less, and less.
Last week, I got my 18-month chip.
And do you know what? I love that chip. That chip is maybe the hardest thing I’ve ever had to fight for, and the hardest part was figuring out that the fight wasn’t between me and weed, or me and Veronica, or my parents, or any of the other kids who were constantly smoking up. It was an internal fight against myself.
So, when this man at the seder told me weed isn’t addictive, it reminded me of literally every conversation I’ve had with everyone over 30 about weed (except for my fellow recovering addicts, who know better).
These conversations usually include lines like: “I didn’t know weed could be addictive,” or “But you’re good now, right?”
Yes, I’m “good now,” but different, and everyone who’s ever felt controlled by a chemical substance knows exactly what I’m talking about. I won this, but it’s not like it’s the lottery. It takes work every day.
It’s funny, but all of my peers get it. No one my age has ever challenged, let alone attacked me, for saying weed can be addictive.
Here’s the reality: I don’t know anyone 15 or 16 who hasn’t smoked, and they all know it’s not like their father’s (or grandfather’s) weed. It’s much stronger, and the consequences of smoking are getting worse. “Marijuana use disorder,” as the experts call it, is now four to seven times likelier among people who smoke when they’re minors. Cannabis-related hospitalizations have “increased significantly” in the past decade, tripling among 18- to 25-year-olds.
Meanwhile, older people with hazy memories of getting high in their dorm rooms four or five decades ago insist weed is a safe, recreational drug. The message seems to be that it’s weird or backward to say anything bad about weed.
I’m now 16, the same age Martin was when we met, and tomorrow is the eve of Rosh Hashanah—the start of the Jewish New Year, and even though I’m not especially religious, I’ve been looking forward to the High Holidays for months.
I think that’s because I’m like many recovering addicts—I want to keep pushing forward, and I fear what might happen if I don’t. I want to make movies. I want to read more books and go to college and meet cool people. Mostly, I want to live as richly as I can, and every holiday is a little border between the old and new me.
And it’s because Rosh Hashanah focuses things. Everything stops. You go to temple. You breathe a little slower. You’re with your family. You chant the same words that Jews everywhere chant, and for a little while you’re all connected with each other, in person or across many temples all around the world, and you feel elevated—closer to wherever you’re supposed to be.
Gideon Modisett is a high school junior in Los Angeles. Read Eric Spitznagel’s Free Press piece American the Stoned here.
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October 3, 2024 Heather Cox Richardson
Former Republican representative Liz Cheney of Wyoming joined Vice President Kamala Harris on a stage hung with red, white, and blue bunting and signs that said “Country Over Party.” As Cheney took the stage, the crowd chanted, “Thank you, Liz!” The two were on the campaign trail today in Ripon, Wisconsin, the town that claims to be the birthplace of the Republican Party. It was in that then-tiny town in 1852 that Alvan E. Bovay, who had recently emigrated from New York, called for a new political party to stand against slavery.
The idea of a new party took off in 1854 when it became clear the Kansas-Nebraska Act permitting the westward expansion of human enslavement would become law. When they met in February of that year, people in Ripon were early participants in the movement of people across the North to defend democracy. Rather than standing against slavery alone, those organizing in 1854 stood against an entire political system, opposing the small group of elite enslavers who had taken over the U.S. government in order to establish an oligarchy and were quite clear they rejected the self-evident truth in the Declaration of Independence that all men were created equal. Instead, they intended to rule over the nation’s majority, whose labor produced the capital that southern leaders believed only elites should control.
In the face of this existential threat to the country, party divisions crumbled.
Pundits have described today’s event as a component of Harris’s ongoing outreach to Republicans, and in part, it is. That outreach, begun under President Joe Biden and continuing even more aggressively under Harris, is bearing fruit as in an open letter today, two dozen Republican former officials and lawmakers in Wisconsin endorsed Harris and her running mate Minnesota governor Tim Walz. “We have plenty of policy disagreements with Vice President Harris,” the Republicans wrote. “But what we do agree upon is more important. We agree that we cannot afford another four years of the broken promises, election denialism, and chaos of Donald Trump’s leadership.”
Lately, there have been indications of what returning Trump to office might mean.
On Tuesday, Trump suggested that the U.S. soldiers who sustained traumatic brain injuries (TBI) when Iran attacked an Iraqi base where they were stationed were not truly injured, but simply had “headaches.” Trump’s statement brought back to light a 2021 CBS report by Catherine Herridge and Michael Kaplan that found the injured soldiers had not been recognized with a Purple Heart, awarded to service members wounded or killed in the line of duty, despite qualifying for it. This slight meant they were denied the medical benefits that come with that military decoration.
The soldiers told Herridge and Kaplan that they were pressured to downplay their injuries to avoid undercutting Trump’s attempt to keep the casualty numbers in that incident low. With the story back in the news, Kaplan posted that after the report, the Army awarded the soldiers the Purple Hearts they deserved.
Journalist Magdi Jacobs recalled the argument of Trump’s lawyers before the Supreme Court that Trump could not prod a SEAL team to assassinate a rival because service members would adhere to the rules of their institutions. The Army officers’ bowing to Trump’s political demands proved that argument was wrong and set off “[m]ajor alarm bells,” Jacobs posted, suggesting that the military would not stand firm against Trump in a second term, especially now that the Supreme Court says a president cannot be prosecuted for crimes committed as part of official duties.
Scott Waldman and Thomas Frank of Politico’s E&E News covering energy and the environment reported today that two former White House officials said that Trump was “flagrantly partisan” when responding to natural disasters. One said that in 2018 Trump refused to approve disaster aid after wildfires to California, perceiving it as a Democratic state. To get disaster money, the aide showed Trump polling results revealing that Orange County, which had been badly damaged in the fires, “had more Trump supporters than the entire state of Iowa.”
Defending the Big Lie that Trump had won the 2020 presidential election, former Colorado county clerk Tina Peters in 2021 gave a security badge to a man associated with MyPillow owner Mike Lindell to enable him to breach the county’s voting systems in an unsuccessful attempt to find evidence of voter fraud. A jury found Peters guilty of four felonies related to the scheme. Today, District Court Judge Matthew Barrett sentenced Peters to nine years in prison.
But there are other stories these days of what the government can accomplish when it is focused on the good of all Americans.
About 45,000 dock workers in the International Longshoremen’s Association went on strike Tuesday when the union could not reach an agreement with the United States Maritime Alliance (USMX) employer group over a new contract. The strike shut down 36 ports from Maine to Texas, affecting about half the country’s shipping just as the areas hammered by Hurricane Helene desperately needed supplies. Dockworkers wanted a pay increase of up to 77% over six years and better benefits, as well as an end to the automation that threatens union jobs.
President Joe Biden reiterated his support for collective bargaining despite the threat to an economic slowdown from the strike. The Wall Street Journal editorial board excoriated Biden and the union, saying: “President Biden wants unions to have extortionary bargaining power, and he’s getting a demonstration of it on election eve. Congratulations.”
But today the International Longshoremen’s Association suspended the strike after USMX agreed to wage increases of 62% over six years. The two sides agreed to extend the current contract until January 15 to address the issues of benefits and automation. Administration officials White House Chief of Staff Jeff Zients, top White House economic advisor Lael Brainard, Acting Secretary of Labor Julie Su, and Secretary of Transportation Pete Buttigieg helped broker the temporary agreement.
The government’s power to make things better is also on display amid the rubble and ruin left behind by Hurricane Helene. Yesterday evening, after taking an aerial tour of western North Carolina to survey the damage and receiving a briefing in Raleigh, President Biden thanked both “the Republican governor of South Carolina and the Democratic governor of North Carolina and all of the elected officials who’ve focused on the task at hand. In a moment like this, we put politics aside. At least we should put it all aside, and we have here. There are no Democrats or Republicans; there are only Americans. And our job is to help as many people as we can as quickly as we can and as thoroughly as we can.”
Biden explained that the federal government had 1,000 first responders in place before the storms hit, and that he had approved emergency declarations as soon as he received the requests from the governors. Yesterday he directed the Defense Department to move 1,000 soldiers to reinforce North Carolina’s National Guard to speed up the delivery of supplies like food, water, and medicine to isolated communities, some of which are accessible now only by pack mule.
He has already deployed 50 Starlink satellites for communication, and more are coming.
Teams from the Federal Emergency Management Agency are offering free temporary housing, as well as delivering food and water. They are helping people apply for the help that they need.
While Trump and MAGA Republicans insist that Biden is botching the response to Helene, CNN fact checker Daniel Dale noted that the response has gotten bipartisan praise. Republican governors Henry McMaster of South Carolina and Glenn Youngkin of Virginia both thanked Biden by name for what McMaster called a “superb” response.
So today’s bipartisan event in Ripon suggests far more than Democratic outreach to Republicans. It appears to be a commitment to a government that advances the interests of ordinary people, and protects the right of everyone to be treated equally before the law and to have a say in their government. Republican Abraham Lincoln articulated this worldview for his fledgling party in 1859 as it took a stand against oligarchs. Believing these principles accurately represented the aspirations of the nation’s founders, Lincoln called them “conservative.” People from all parties rallied to the party that promised to defend those principles.
“The president of the United States must not look at our country through the narrow lens of ideology or petty partisanship or self-interest,” Harris said today. “The president of the United States must not look at our country as an instrument for their own ambitions. Our nation is not some spoil to be won. The United States of America is the greatest idea humanity ever devised: the nation that inspired the world to believe in the possibility of a representative government. And so in the face of those who would endanger our magnificent experiment, people of every party must stand together.”
“In this election, putting patriotism ahead of partisanship is not an aspiration. It is our duty,” Cheney said. “I ask all of you here and everyone listening across this great country to join us. I ask you to meet this moment. I ask you to stand in truth, to reject the depraved cruelty of Donald Trump.
“And I ask you instead to help us elect Kamala Harris for president. I know…that…a president Harris will be able to unite this nation. I know that she will be a president who will defend the rule of law, and I know that she will be a president who can inspire all of our children—and if I might say so, especially our little girls—to do great things. So help us right the ship of our democracy so that history will say of us, when our time of testing came, we did our duty and we prevailed because we loved our country more.”
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Notes:
https://www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/watch-live-liz-cheney-joins-harris-campaign-rally-in-ripon-wis
https://apnews.com/article/kamala-harris-cheney-wisconsin-trump-89396853e5521c3870a3c88e04cbfd99
https://www.texastribune.org/2024/10/02/adam-kinzinger-republicans-colin-allred-texas/
https://thehill.com/homenews/state-watch/4914462-colorado-county-clerk-sentenced-election-breach/
https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/2024/10/03/port-strike-over/
https://www.cnn.com/2024/10/03/politics/fact-check-trump-biden-hurricane-response/index.html
https://www.axios.com/2024/10/01/hurricane-helene-north-carolina-mules-aid
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Chris Hedges Q&A on the Middle East — LIVE Chris Hedges
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Every problem Trump wrongfully blames on undocumented immigrants Rebecca Crosby
Hurricane Helene caused mass destruction across the southeastern United States, leaving thousands needing aid and at least 227 people dead. Now, former President Donald Trump is using the disaster as a political cudgel, falsely claiming that the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) is out of money because it diverted funds to “illegal immigrants.”
“The Harris-Biden administration says they don’t have any money [for hurricane relief]. … They spent it all on illegal migrants,” Trump said Thursday during a rally in Michigan. “They stole the FEMA money just like they stole it from a bank.”
Trump’s claim is false. FEMA is not out of money, and no money was diverted to undocumented immigrants.
FEMA, a part of the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), says it has enough funds for recovery efforts in the wake of Hurricane Helene. On Wednesday, DHS Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas said, “We have the immediate needs right now.” Mayorkas said he was concerned there may not be enough funds for the rest of hurricane season, with another hurricane expected to hit later this week.
But any shortfall would be driven by the increase in extreme weather events — not disaster relief funds being diverted to undocumented immigrants. FEMA has a separate program, the Shelter and Services Program, which gives funds to local governments and nonprofits to provide shelter, food, and transportation to undocumented immigrants. In 2024, Congress allocated $650 million to the program. The administration has a legal obligation to spend funds for their Congressionally-authorized purpose.
During his presidency, Trump diverted disaster relief money to provide services for undocumented immigrants. In 2019, the Trump administration informed Congress that it was taking “$155 million from the disaster fund” for “immigration detention space and temporary hearing locations for asylum seekers,” the Washington Post reported.
Trump’s lies about FEMA, which are ongoing, have also been amplified by other Republican allies, including Representative Jim Jordan (R-OH), Representative Troy Nehls (R-TX), and Elon Musk.
This is not just another lie. Spreading misinformation about FEMA’s capabilities hampers relief efforts. On Friday, FEMA Administrator Deanne Criswell said at a press conference that misinformation can lead to people who need help not registering for aid. “This level of misinformation creates the scenario where they won’t even come to us,” Criswell said.
Trump has always exploited undocumented immigrants for political advantage. But falsely blaming migrants for nearly every problem — real and imagined — is the core issue of the Trump 2024 campaign.
The Trump campaign blames undocumented immigrants for a “crime wave”
Trump’s false claim that undocumented immigrants are responsible for a crime wave is a staple of his stump speech. On August 22, Trump claimed that the Biden-Harris administration “unleashed a deadly plague of migrant crime on our country by not doing their job.” At the Turning Point Action Conference in July, Trump told the crowd, “We have a new form of crime. It’s called migrant crime.”
There is no violent crime wave. Violent crime has declined or remained flat each year of the Biden administration. According to the FBI’s 2023 crime report, violent crime decreased three percent last year, and there was a significant decline in murder (-11.3%).
Jeff Asher, co-founder of AH Datalytics and crime statistics expert, told Popular Information he has not seen “any evidence” of undocumented immigrants fueling increases in crime. Asher previously looked at “violent crime across the 14 counties along the Texas border with Mexico” and found a “relatively steady violent crime rate below that of the rest of their state and the nation as a whole.” Furthermore, research shows that immigration is linked to decreases in violent crime, and neighborhoods with higher concentrations of immigrant populations have lower crime rates.
The Trump campaign blames undocumented immigrants for voter fraud
Trump has also falsely claimed that the Biden administration is allowing undocumented immigrants to enter the country so that they can illegally vote and steal the 2024 election. Last week, Trump argued that the Biden-Harris administration “stole the FEMA money” so that they could give it to undocumented immigrants as a political strategy because they want them to “vote for them.”
During the presidential debate against Vice President Harris in September, Trump claimed that “a lot of these illegal immigrants coming in, they’re trying to get them to vote.” Trump stated, “They can’t even speak English. They don’t even know what country they’re in, practically. And these people are trying to get them to vote, and that’s why they’re allowing them into our country.” This claim has been repeated by Trump and his allies for months. It is also rooted in a white nationalist conspiracy theory called the great replacement theory.
But the reality is that it is illegal for undocumented immigrants to vote in U.S. elections. Further, data shows it almost never happens. The Heritage Foundation, a right-wing think tank, maintains a database of voter fraud that found “fewer than 100 examples of non-citizens voting between 2002 and 2022, amid more than 1 billion lawfully cast ballots.”
The Trump campaign blames undocumented immigrants for driving up housing costs
During the vice presidential debate last week, Senator JD Vance (R-OH) claimed that housing is “totally unaffordable because we brought in millions of illegal immigrants to compete with Americans for scarce homes.” Vance also argued that undocumented immigrants are “one of the most significant drivers of home prices in the country.”
This is not true. Economists and housing experts told the Washington Post that many other factors are more significant than undocumented immigrants when it comes to increases in housing prices. Additionally, many immigrants come into the country with “few financial resources,” and are therefore “far less likely to be able to buy a home.” While there is evidence that an increase in immigrants may slightly increase rent rates, just as any population increase, a study shows that the increase is minimal.
The Trump campaign plans to conduct a “mass deportation” of undocumented immigrants to lower housing costs. But, according to economists, this plan would likely increase housing costs instead of lowering them. A report by Mother Jones notes that Trump’s deportation plans may “grind the construction of new housing to a halt,” since 1.4 million undocumented workers work in construction, making up “more than 10 percent of the entire labor force, and 32 percent of roofers.”
The Trump campaign claims undocumented immigrants will bankrupt Medicare and Social Security
At nearly every campaign stop, Trump claims that undocumented immigrants will drain resources from Medicare and Social Security.
At a Pennsylvania rally on August 17, Trump said “[Harris is] going to destroy your Medicare. She’s going to destroy your Social Security. First, she has thrown open our borders. Second, she is flooding our country with millions and millions of low-wage migrants and giving them welfare, free health care, food stamps, public benefits…. She wants to make them citizens, dumping them onto Medicare and dumping them into your beautiful Social Security program.”
The GOP has also included this claim in its official 2024 platform, which reads, “Republicans will protect Medicare’s finances from being financially crushed by the Democrat plan to add tens of millions of new illegal immigrants to the rolls of Medicare. We vow to strengthen Medicare for future generations.”
Studies show, however, that immigrants boost Medicare and Social Security by contributing more tax dollars than they receive in benefits from the two programs.
A 2013 study, for example, found that in 2009, immigrants made 14.7 percent of all contributions to Medicare that year while only accounting for 7.9 percent of the program’s expenditures, resulting in a surplus of nearly $14 billion. That same year, people born in the US generated a deficit of $30.9 billion. (Undocumented immigrants are not able to enroll in Medicare.)
Immigrants have a similar effect on the Social Security budget because they increase the ratio of workers paying into the system to retirees benefiting from it. (Undocumented immigrants cannot recieve social security benefits.)
The Trump campaign blames undocumented immigrants for taking jobs from American citizens
Another popular Trump refrain is that undocumented immigrants are taking jobs from American citizens. In a September speech to the Economic Club of New York, he claimed that “100% of the jobs created under [Biden’s] administration have gone to illegal migrants that came into our country.”
According to reporting by Forbes, this is false. Since Biden took office, the number of U.S.-born people in the workforce has increased by 6%, and the number of foreign-born workers has increased by 22%. Under Trump, both workforce populations decreased, by 1.4%and 1.6%respectively.
As Popular Information has previously reported, undocumented immigrants in the US workforce mean more jobs for American citizens. If Trump is elected and carries out his plan for mass deportation of undocumented immigrants, U.S.-born citizens can expect their job opportunities to shrink. One study on the economic impacts of deportation found that for every 1 million immigrants deported between 2008 and 2014, 88,000 American workers lost jobs. Without undocumented immigrants, the American economy’s current labor shortage would be even worse.
The Trump campaign blames undocumented immigrants for smuggling Fentanyl
At a July rally, Trump claimed “We’re losing 300,000 people a year to fentanyl that comes through our border.” Vance parrotted this claim at the vice presidential debate last week, saying, “Kamala Harris let in fentanyl into our communities at record levels.”
However, it is largely American citizens who are responsible for bringing fentanyl into the country. According to the U.S. Sentencing Commission, 86.2 percent of fentanyl trafficking offenders in 2021 were U.S. citizens.
Trump’s claim that fentanyl is killing hundreds of thousands of Americans a year is also exaggerated. The total number of annual drug overdoses is between 100,000 and 110,000, while the number of opioid overdoses (which includes, but is not limited to, fentanyl deaths) is about 81,000.
The Trump campaign blames undocumented immigrants for inflation
Undocumented immigrants are also responsible for inflation, according to Trump. In July, he told supporters at a Michigan rally that “another key driver of inflation is the migrant invasion Kamala Harris has created on our southern border.”
A study by the Peterson Institute for International Economics found that if Trump succeeded in deporting 7.5 million workers over a two-year period, inflation would be 7.4 percent higher than if the mass deportation plan was not enacted because the deportation would worsen existing labor shortages and decrease production. If Trump deported 1.3 million workers, inflation would be 1.3 percent higher.
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