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Weekend Listening: Can a Moderate Republican Win Over America? Bari Weiss

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Former Texas state representative Will Hurd grew up the son of a white mother, and a black father who always said he’s “been a Republican since Lincoln freed us.” (Photo by Scott Olson via Getty Images)

If you’ve been listening to Honestly for the past few months, maybe even since the 2022 midterms, you probably think I sound like something of a broken record when it comes to my advice for politicians today. Again and again, I’ve said the following: elections right now are Republicans’ to lose. Biden’s approval numbers are low—41.2 percent—which is lower than every president at this stage of their term in the last 75 years, with the exception of Jimmy Carter. 

It seems to me that all Republicans need to do is stand still and be normal, and they’d win. Instead, the GOP often seems more focused on Bud Light and Disney than on education, crime and the economy.

So when former Texas congressman Will Hurd announced he was running for president last month, I thought, at long last, a normal Republican candidate. And not just that—one with an impressive pedigree and reputation. The kind of candidate that will set your heart aflutter if you crave a return to sanity and sobriety in our politics.

So. . . why is Hurd polling in last place? Has my advice over the last few months been misguided? Is the Republican Party just too radically transformed at this point for someone like Will Hurd?

Perhaps this is the first time you’re hearing of Hurd, so here’s a bit of an introduction:

Hurd spent nearly a decade as an undercover operative for the CIA in places like Afghanistan, Pakistan, and India during the height of the war on terror. In 2010, he left the agency to start his political career and in 2014, he was elected to Congress, becoming the only black Republican on the House floor. For three consecutive terms, Hurd represented one of Texas’s most sprawling districts—a district that is two-thirds Latino and covers much of the border with Mexico, from San Antonio to El Paso. 

In a profile of Hurd in The Atlantic last year, appropriately titled “Revenge of the Normal Republicans,” reporter Tim Alberta wrote this: Will Hurd knows that “a leader can’t emerge without a movement, and a movement manifests only with the inspiration of a leader. He also knows that some people view him as uniquely qualified to meet this moment: a young, robust, eloquent man of mixed race and complete devotion to country, someone whose life is a testament to nuance and empathy and reconciliation. What Hurd doesn’t know is whether America is ready to buy what he’s selling.” 

So which is it: Are Americans ready to buy what Hurd is selling? Or has that ship simply sailed? I asked Hurd all these questions and more in the latest episode of Honestly, which you can click to listen to here or read an edited excerpt below. See you in the comments. —BW

Who is Will Hurd?

BW: I want to start with what seems like the origins of your political journey, and that takes us back to 2008 in Afghanistan. Tell us what you were doing there and what happened there that so stuck with you and eventually propelled you into a career in politics? 

WH: I remember that day like it was yesterday. I was the head of the undercover operations at our station in Kabul, Afghanistan. And at 3 a.m. that morning, a bomb went off in front of our embassy, killed some of our local guards, took out a section of our protective wall, and my unit was responsible for trying to figure out what happened. And we conducted a couple dozen operations in a very short period of time. That night, we had a “HPSCI CODEL”—the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence Congressional Delegation. These are the people that oversee our intelligence services. I go into this briefing and I overhear one of these members of Congress say, “Is the CIA going to cut this briefing short so we can get to the bazaar to buy rugs?” I’m annoyed, but we get in the briefing and the senior-most person in this group, who had been on the House Permanent Select Committee for Intelligence for over six years, asks a question: “Why was Iran not supporting the Taliban in Afghanistan the way Iran was supporting other groups in Iraq?” Now, your sophisticated audience and listeners know that’s a pretty crummy question, but I start explaining the Sunni–Shia divide. And then he raises his hand and he says, “Will, what’s the difference between a Sunni and a Shia?” And I’m thinking, this guy’s getting ready to make a really inappropriate joke, and who am I to deny him this opportunity? And I said, “I don’t know, Congressman, what’s the difference?” And I’m getting ready to go, “bah dum dum dum.” His face goes bright red. Didn’t know that difference in Islam. You know, it’s okay for my big brother to not know that difference because he sells cable in our hometown of San Antonio. But for an individual who is making decisions on sending our brothers and sisters and spouses to places like Iraq, Afghanistan, Syria—unacceptable. And I literally, at that moment, right then and there, I decided to move back to my hometown and run for Congress. So that’s how I got involved in politics. It started with me getting pissed off. 

BW: So in 2014, you run for Congress in Texas, and you defeat the incumbent. How did you, a black Republican, win in a two-thirds Latino district in Texas? 

WH: Real simple: I showed up. The way you win campaigns is by ID’ing your voters. That’s the formula. You have to know who your voters are. My opponent was a former member of Congress. He was a very rich guy, self-funder. He was supported by the country club Republicans and by Ted Cruz, but we still won because I showed up to places that people didn’t expect me to be and talked about shit they cared about. That experience taught me that there is way more that unites us than divides us as a country. We are better together. I had to get votes from the independents. I had to get votes from the Democrats. This was a congressional seat that went back and forth between Republican and Democrat for a decade. I was the first to hold it for multiple cycles. 

On being a black Republican Congressman:

BW: You are one of only 31 Republican black congressmen in American history. During your time in office, you were the only black Republican on the House floor. Why aren’t there more black Republican leaders?

WH: It’s coming. Right now in the House, I think there’s five or six. There are so many, I don’t even know all of them! If it wasn’t for a guy like J. C. Watts, you wouldn’t have Tim Scott. If you didn’t have Tim Scott, you wouldn’t have Mia Love from Utah. We’ve been growing, and I give Kevin McCarthy credit for working with candidates to ensure that they have the resources, organization, and infrastructure in order to be competitive. And so I think there is a real opportunity in the black community, because the Democratic Party has ignored the black community for a long time and taken them for granted. But guess what? Black folks care about the same things everyone else does: putting food on the table, a roof over their head, and taking care of their kids and making sure that they can grow their business, that they have access to good-paying jobs, that they’re getting educated. The school choice issue is a winning issue for Republicans. Texas has done a longitudinal study, 20-year study, that shows that the achievement gap was eliminated for black and brown kids in charter schools with their white counterparts. So let’s focus on those kinds of things. And that makes us almost unstoppable in November if we’re growing the brand in the largest growing groups of voters. 

BW: You’ve written about your experience growing up with a black father and a white mother in San Antonio, and about some of the hate and bigotry you experienced as a result of that. And I guess I just wanted to ask how you think about the fact that many people associate the Republican Party with some of its most racist and bigoted fringes, with people like Marjorie Taylor Greene and Steve King. And does it ever make you uncomfortable to be sort of swept up with that brand?

WH: I’m the baby of three. My parents met in L.A., got married in 1970, and moved to San Antonio in 1971. The house my father still lives in, and my mother lived in up until she passed away this year, is the house me and my siblings grew up in. It was the only house that would sell to an interracial couple. It didn’t have the best schools—it was basically in the boonies back then, but guess what? That didn’t impact me. I had a house filled with love. I had an amazing older brother and older sister, I had two parents that cared about me, and 35 years later, their youngest son ended up representing that area as a congressman. That’s what’s amazing about America and how far we have come. The supermajority of the Republican Party are not racist misogynists, all that stuff. Folks like to put the Republicans in that label because there are high-profile people that do dumb things. There’s no question about that. So that requires people like me to make sure when somebody does something that is against the values and the ethos of the party, we need to speak up and not be afraid. And so that’s how I’ve always tried to be. 

On surviving as a normal Republican:

BW: Who is the Will Hurd voter? What does he or she look like?

WH: A Will Hurd voter is someone who is disaffected with both the Republican Party and the Democratic Party. They want to see something different and they’ve almost given up because of how sick and tired they are of everyone within their party. It’s the folks that are not going to vote for Donald Trump, that are not going to vote for a clone of Donald Trump. There’s also another group of people who voted for Donald Trump twice, who like him, but don’t like the baggage with him. They recognize that if he’s the GOP nominee, we’re willingly giving four more years to Joe Biden. Within that group of people, these folks understand how much America’s role in the world still matters. These people believe in personal responsibility and they believe in service. I’m the only candidate on both sides of the aisle who has actually served in a conflict zone—who’s been shot at or blown up. People want someone to get behind that is not Trump, and that person should be me.

BW: When you were in Congress, you were an unusually bipartisan lawmaker. You hired multiple Democrats for key positions in your office. You’ve supported legislation to end the 2019 government shutdown and to protect gay Americans from discrimination. You livestreamed a road trip and town hall with Texas Democrat Beto O’Rourke. You’ve attended a protest after the killing of George Floyd in Houston. So given all of that, why are you a Republican? 

WH: Because I believe that America deserves a sane Republican Party. I’m a Republican because I believe in a strong foreign policy. I believe that everybody should have equal opportunity. I believe that freedom leads to growth and growth leads to progress. For me, the Republican Party is defined by people who are willing to vote for a Republican. When you take that broad view, you get a different perspective, and those are the kinds of folks that I’m activating. I was in Iowa a couple of weeks ago and I got booed for saying that “Donald Trump is not running for president to make America great again. Donald Trump is not running for president to represent the people that voted for him in 2016 and 2020. Donald Trump is running for president to stay out of prison.” I knew that was going to elicit boos, but there was applause in the crowd as well. We have to have people that are willing to be honest and speak the truth, even when it’s uncomfortable or potentially unpopular. 

BW: But why is saving the Republican Party more important than winning? Why not run as a Democrat? 

WH: I would have different issues and criticisms if I was part of the Democratic Party. I would still get attacked by the extreme edge. So for me, this is the party I grew up in. My 90-year-old black father always says he’s been a Republican since Lincoln freed us. So, for me, this is the vehicle by which I can continue to serve my country. 

BW: You say you’re running on a platform of pragmatic idealism, which sounds like an oxymoron to me. What does that mean?

WH: The idealism focuses on achieving the greatest outcome for the most amount of people. The pragmatism is figuring out how we achieve that. So, take me for example: I know I’m a dark horse. I would be crazy if I came in here and said, “Oh, this is going to be easy. It’s going to be a slam dunk.” However, the idealist piece is knowing that I have a real chance because people are looking for a change. Seven out of ten Democrats don’t want Joe Biden on the ballot. Six out of ten Republicans don’t want Donald Trump. Nobody wants this 2016 rematch from hell to actually happen. So that requires us to do something about it. 

On rebooting this country like an old computer:

BW: One of the ways that I break down the Republican primary right now is into two buckets: those candidates who believe that we need reform and the candidates who believe we need revolt. You, though, have a different R-word, one that is encapsulated in the title of your book, which is reboot. What does an “American Reboot” look like, and why would it be more successful than a reform or a revolt?

WH: It’s about getting back to those timeless principles that have got us to where we are today. When your computer’s not doing something right, what do you do? You reboot it. You don’t put a new operating system on it. When you look at why people are frustrated with our institutions, it’s because our institutions are not providing a service that they’re supposed to be providing. Let’s take something as basic in the government. Why does it take months to get your passport renewed? That’s something that should take minutes. Why does it take a veteran months to get access to an appointment at the VA? How are we going to tackle something like artificial intelligence, which is going to upend every single industry—not in ten years, but in two or three years? So to me, the reboot is getting back to equal opportunity. It’s getting back to protecting people’s individual rights to be themselves. It’s getting back to local control. Those principles are going to help us achieve our limitless potential. 

BW: Part of the reboot that you’ve talked about is making the GOP, as you’ve put it, “look like America.” What do you mean by that? 

WH: Donald Trump is a loser. The last time he won anything was in 2016. He lost the House in 2018. He lost the White House and the Senate in 2020. He prevented a red wave from materializing in 2022. Why was that? Because he failed to grow the Republican Party into the three largest growing groups of voters: women with a college degree in the suburbs, black and brown communities, and people below the age of 35. And it’s real simple, right? Don’t be a jerk. Don’t be a homophobe. Don’t be a racist. Don’t be all these things we learned when we were kids. If we do that, we have a real opportunity. 

BW: At a town hall recently, you were asked to fill in the blank in the following sentence: “The state of our democracy is blank,” and you said one word: fragile. Explain to me what’s behind that answer. When you say American democracy is fragile, what are you thinking most of in your mind? 

WH: American democracy has always been fragile, and it will always be fragile. That’s why 247 years ago, people called it an experiment. Nobody thought it was going to work. There are only 14 countries that have been in a democracy for more than 100 years. For democracy to continue to be robust, we in this generation do not have to do what our forebears did. We are not having a fight on the fields of Lexington, or on the plains of Gettysburg, or marching in Selma or Birmingham. All we have to do is show up to vote—and not just in the general elections, but in the primaries as well. If we start doing that, then that fragility will become a little bit more robust. 

At The Free Press, we believe in having hard conversations out loud. If you want to hear more of them, and want to support our work, become a subscriber today:

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We’re hosting our first live, in-person event on September 13 at the Ace Theatre in Los Angeles! Musician and producer Grimes and Sarah Haider, writer and co-host of the podcast A Special Place in Hell, will go head-to-head with Anna Khachiyan, co-host of the podcast Red Scare, and Louise Perry, author of The Case Against the Sexual Revolution, to debate the following proposition: the sexual revolution has failed.

You can purchase tickets now at thefp.com/debates.

This will be the first in a series of debates brought to you by The Free Press. We’re proud to present this one in partnership with FIRE, America’s leading civil liberties organization. See you ringside!

 

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The ‘Wild, Wild West’ of the American Egg Donor Industry Rina Raphael

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How the U.S. Fertility Industry Preys on Female Egg Donors

Kaylene Breeding, who has donated her eggs six times and is now facing fertility issues. (Amanda Lucier for The Free Press)

Kaylene Breeding was always driven by a desire to help other women. In her twenties, she spent years volunteering at women’s charities. That’s when an idea she had considered since high school—donating her eggs—seemed like the “next step” in her volunteering. She would be helping a family in the “utmost way possible,” she recalls thinking.

Breeding, now 36, first heard about egg donation when she was a teenager and her local radio station in Oregon constantly aired commercials inviting young women to become donors. Breeding told me that when she reached her late twenties and wasn’t ready to have children, she decided to do something good with her eggs in the meantime.

Breeding donated her eggs six times. Twice these were “altruistic egg donations,” meaning she was paid by the recipient only for her medical and travel expenses. Her payment for the other donations was between $7,500 and $9,000. Out of all these donations, only one resulted in children. That was a set of twins born to a gay male couple in Israel. All she knows about the children is that they were born.

Today, Breeding, who has no children of her own, is struggling with her own compromised fertility. She is facing a hysterectomy because of severe endometriosis and adenomyosis, debilitating conditions in which endometrial tissue grows where it shouldn’t. She’s in chronic pain during exercise, ovulation, and sex.

Breeding’s doctors believe this is the result of donating her eggs, which required pumping her body with sky-high levels of estrogen. Believe is the key word here, as they can’t quite confirm it. There is little research on the long-term medical consequences of egg donation.

By now Breeding, who works in the aviation industry, knows a lot about those consequences. She is a moderator and administrator of We Are Egg Donors, a private Facebook support and advocacy group that counts over 2,000 past and current members. She reads many stories similar to hers of post-donation medical conditions. “Nobody wants to do the research because, frankly, I’m assuming they’re afraid of what we would discover,” she told me.


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A Chinese national, charged with fraud by the SEC, just sent Donald Trump $18 million Judd Legum

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Justin Sun, founder of Tron and CEO of BitTorrent, speaks on November 4, 2015 in Beijing, China. (Getty Images/Visual China Group)

Chinese Crypto entrepreneur Justin Sun paid $6.2 million for a banana — sold by Sotheby’s as conceptual art — and then ate it last Friday.

The banana is not Sun’s most notable recent purchase.

On November 25, Sun purchased $30 million in crypto tokens from World Liberty Financial, a new crypto venture backed by President-elect Donald Trump. Sun said his company, TRON, was committed to “making America great again.”

World Liberty Financial planned to sell $300 million worth of crypto tokens, known as WLF, which would value the new company at $1.5 billion. But, before Sun’s $30 million purchase, it appeared to be a bust, with only $22 million in tokens sold. Sun now owns more than 55% of purchased tokens.

Sun’s decision to buy $30 million in WLF tokens has direct and immediate financial benefits for Trump. A filing by the company in October revealed that “$30 million of initial net protocol revenues” will be “held in a reserve… to cover operating expenses, indemnities, and obligations.” After the reserve is met, a company owned by Donald Trump, DT Marks DEFI LLC, will receive “75% of the net protocol revenues.”

So before Sun’s purchase, Trump was entitled to nothing because the reserve had not been met. But Sun’s purchase covered the entire reserve, so now Trump is entitled to 75% of the revenues from all other tokens purchased. As of December 1, there have been $24 million WLF tokens sold, netting Trump $18 million.

Sun is also joining World Liberty Financial as an advisor, making Sun and the incoming president business partners.

While Trump has the cash, Sun’s tokens are effectively worthless. To comply with U.S. securities law, WLF tokens are “non-transferable and locked indefinitely in a wallet or smart contract until such time, if ever, [WLF tokens] are unlocked through protocol governance procedures in a fashion that does not contravene applicable law.” The only thing that Sun can do with his tokens is participate in the “governance” of World Liberty Financial. Right now, the only thing World Liberty Financial does is sell tokens.

Any foreign national paying an incoming president $18 million weeks before entering the White House should raise red flags. Sun’s purchase is even more alarming because the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) is currently prosecuting him for fraud.

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The SEC’s ongoing prosecution of Sun

On March 22, 2023, the SEC charged Sun and three companies he owns. The SEC accused Sun of marketing unregistered securities and “fraudulently manipulating the secondary market” for a crypto token “through extensive wash trading.” Wash trading involves “the simultaneous or near-simultaneous purchase and sale of a security to make it appear actively traded without an actual change in beneficial ownership.” In other words, according to the SEC, Sun made it seem like there was a lot of interest in crypto tokens he issued when much of the trading was fraudulent and manufactured by Sun.

The SEC also charged Sun with “orchestrating a scheme to pay celebrities to tout” his crypto tokens “without disclosing their compensation.” Federal law requires people who endorse securities to “disclose whether they received compensation for the promotion, and to specify the amount.” The celebrities involved included Lindsay Lohan, Jake Paul, and Soulja Boy.

Lohan paid $40,000, and Paul paid about $100,000 to settle the charges against them without admitting liability. Soulja Boy did not respond to the lawsuit, and a default judgment was issued against him.

Sun posted on X that he believes the SEC “complaint lacks merit” and complained that “the SEC’s regulatory framework for digital assets is still in its infancy and is in need of further development.”

The litigation against Sun is ongoing, with a federal judge considering a motion by Sun’s attorneys to dismiss the charges. The current SEC Chairman, Gary Gensler, who announced the charges against Sun, will step down when Trump takes office in January. A new SEC commissioner appointed by Trump could settle or dismiss the charges against Sun.

How Trump can use the power of the presidency to unlock hundreds of millions in profits for himself

Through World Liberty Financial, Trump can reap massive personal profits from creating a more permissive regulatory environment for crypto ventures.

In addition to his 75% share of revenues over $30 million, Trump’s company was also awarded 22.5 billion WLF tokens. At the current sale price, these tokens are worth more than $300 million. That is more than 20 billion tokens being offered for sale publicly. (This makes the “governance” value of WLF tokens, which was already questionable, effectively worthless. No matter how many tokens you own, Trump will always be able to outvote other token holders.)

Right now, Trump’s tokens — like those purchased by Sun — are worthless because they cannot be transferred. But Trump could appoint a new SEC chairman who is friendly to the crypto industry and who would create new rules allowing the WLF tokens and similar crypto assets to be legally traded. If the price of the tokens increases when they hit the open market, which is a possibility for a crypto token backed by the President of the United States, the value of Trump’s tokens could be in the billions.

That appears to be exactly the path Trump is taking. WIRED reports that Trump is “asking the crypto industry to weigh in on potential picks.” Among the leading contenders is Paul Atkins, a former SEC Commissioner, who, since leaving the agency in 2008, has run a consulting firm that works with crypto companies. Atkins is also co-chair of the Token Alliance, an initiative of the Chamber of Digital Commerce, the lobbying group for the crypto industry. He is also a member of the Chamber of Digital Commerce’s Board of Directors.

Another top contender, former SEC General Counsel Robert Stebbins, has said that the SEC should “pause most of its crypto lawsuits while clearing a path for the firms to do business without the overhang of litigation.” But Stebbins’ candidacy underscores the need for Sun to forge a favorable relationship with Trump. Stebbins acknowledged that, even if it takes a more permissive view toward the crypto industry, it may want to consider continuing to pursue litigation involving fraud.

Major media outlets obsessed with banana, ignore Sun’s payment to Trump

A foreign national under federal fraud prosecution making a purchase that results in $18 million cash payment to the president-elect has all the makings of a major scandal. But it has been virtually ignored by several major media outlets.

The New York Times, for example, has published five articles about Sun’s purchase of the banana but none about Sun’s $30 million purchase of WLF tokens and his business partnership with Trump. The Washington Post has published three articles about the banana, but its coverage of Sun’s purchase of WLF tokens was limited to one short paragraph in a larger editorial about the crypto industry. (The paragraph does not explain how Trump personally profits from Sun’s token purchase.) The Wall Street Journal did publish a short piece about Sun’s token purchase on its “Live Update” blog, but the piece was not viewed as significant enough to be included in the print edition. The paper published two articles, plus a video, focused on the banana. One of the Wall Street Journal articles about the banana was published on the front page of the paper.

 

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Poetic Justice for Jay Bhattacharya. Plus. . . Joe Nocera

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Poetic Justice for Jay Bhattacharya. Plus. . .

Jay Bhattacharya speaks at the Forbes Healthcare Summit in New York City on December 5, 2023. (Anthony Behar via AP Images)

It’s Monday, December 2. This is The Front Page, your daily window into the world of The Free Press—and our take on the world at large. Coming up: Biden pardons Hunter, is Tulsi Gabbard really a Russian asset?, a migrant gang member robs a New York prosecutor and smiles about it, plus much more.

But first: Karma comes to the National Institutes of Health.

If you’re a regular reader of The Free Press, you know Stanford University scientist Jay Bhattacharya, Donald Trump’s pick to run the NIH, is someone we admire. In 2020, when most scientists who doubted lockdowns and school closings were the right response to Covid-19 were too afraid to speak up, Bhattacharya was fearless in his dissent. In October 2020, he was one of three co-authors of the Great Barrington Declaration, which proposed a strategy of protecting the most vulnerable but otherwise reopening the country. For suggesting such “heresy,” Bhattacharya was attacked by the media and dismissed by many of his fellow scientists. He and his co-authors were also the target of fury inside the NIH, with its then-head Francis Collins calling for a “take down” of the declaration’s ideas.

Shamefully, in a country that claims to value free speech, Bhattacharya was also censored by the big social media companies. As we note in an editorial today, “the company now known as X put Bhattacharya’s account on a Trends Blacklist, which dramatically suppressed the visibility of his posts. YouTube, meanwhile, censored a video of a public policy roundtable with Bhattacharya and Florida governor Ron DeSantis because the Stanford scientist suggested—correctly—that the evidence for masking children was weak. Google, Reddit, and Facebook also censored mere mentions of the Great Barrington Declaration.”

We now know that the three authors of the declaration had it right all along. So it feels like poetic justice that a man who was smeared and censored by the country’s medical establishment has been nominated to run the very agency that called for his takedown. The critics are still howling, but we’re convinced he’s the right man for the job.

Read our editorial, “Poetic Justice for Jay Bhattacharya.”

The Tulsi Gabbard Smears Are Unfounded, Unfair, and Unhelpful

In the days and weeks to come, Team Trump will announce more nominations, and we will cover the major ones. Today, along with Jay Bhattacharya, we’re looking at the case of Tulsi Gabbard, who was nominated last month for director of national intelligence—a role that will put her in charge of the entire intelligence community.

In the midst of two hot wars and more trouble brewing across the globe, this appointment could not be more important. Consider what’s happening now in Syria, where rebels have overtaken much of Aleppo, the country’s largest city, and continue to make inroads elsewhere in the country amid fierce fighting. It doesn’t inspire confidence that, while serving as a member of Congress in 2017, Gabbard met with Syrian president Bashar al-Assad—the man who killed hundreds of his own people, including children, with chemical weapons four years earlier. Furthermore, after Russia invaded Ukraine in February 2022, rather than rebuking Vladimir Putin for his aggression, Gabbard announced in a video message that “It’s time to put politics aside and embrace the spirit of aloha.”

For Gabbard’s critics, this proves she not only holds contrarian foreign policy views, she’s a full-on Russian asset. Meanwhile, our columnist Eli Lake is having none of it. As he points out in his piece today, Gabbard is a lieutenant colonel in the U.S. Army Reserve who served in Iraq, and a patriot who should be given the chance to explain her beliefs in a confirmation hearing. “If she persuasively clarifies how her views have developed, then she should have the chance to serve,” he writes. Read Eli’s piece on why the smears against Gabbard are “unfounded, unfair, and unhelpful.”

“No Wonder He’s Smiling. He’s Gotten Away with It So Many Times.”

Brandon Simosa is one of the nearly 215,000 migrants New York City has taken in since spring 2022—a result of the Biden administration’s lenient border policies. On November 19, the 25-year-old Venezuelan was arrested for robbing a woman in her apartment building and masturbating in front of her while she stood terrified, cowering in the corner of her stairwell.

It gets worse. Simosa is a member of Tren de Aragua, the violent Venezuelan cartel that is sparking a crime wave across the U.S. And even though he arrived in the city only last June, Simosa had previously been arrested six times. Each time, he was set loose upon the city to wreak more havoc.

But this time, Simosa chose the wrong victim. The woman he robbed, who has not been identified, works for Manhattan district attorney Alvin Bragg, the man whose job it is to put criminals like Simosa in prison. And yet here, the irony is extra thick, because Bragg isn’t locking up as many criminals as his predecessors did. In fact, that’s exactly what Bragg set out to achieve. After he took office on January 3, 2022, he explicitly stated that several crimes, like prostitution and resisting arrest, would get a pass on his watch.

Now, New York City “is a great place to set up shop for a criminal,” said Hannah Meyers, a former counterterrorism officer for the NYPD who is now the director of policing and public safety at the Manhattan Institute. She says the case of Simosa is “a striking parable of how completely we’ve ceded law and order in this city.” Read Olivia Reingold’s piece on Simosa and the Big Apple’s big problem with migrant crime.

Joe and Hunter Biden in Nantucket, Massachusetts, on November 29, 2024. (Mandel Ngan via Getty Images)
  • On Sunday, with just 49 days left in his presidency, Joe Biden broke a promise to the American people: He issued a “full and unconditional pardon” to his son Hunter even though he vowed he would never grant him clemency for his crimes. This month, Hunter was due to be sentenced for three gun and tax felonies, for which he faced a total of 42 years in prison and $1.35 million in fines. Instead, Hunter will face no punishment for any offenses “he has committed or may have committed” from January 1, 2024 through December 1, 2024. Explaining his reasoning behind the pardon, Biden used an argument straight out of the Donald Trump playbook: He said his son was “treated differently” by the Justice Department. “From the day I took office, I said I would not interfere with the Justice Department’s decision-making, and I kept my word even as I have watched my son being selectively, and unfairly, prosecuted.” Our own Eli Lake, who has written extensively about the use of lawfare against Trump, believes that Hunter has actually been the beneficiary of the opposite treatment: favoritism. Case in point: The Justice Department hit Trump advisers with charges under the Foreign Agents Registration Act during the bogus Russia hoax scandal, but Hunter was never charged with any wrongdoing under that act even though he made millions lobbying foreign countries when his dad was vice president. As news of the pardon hit, even the Democratic governor of Colorado, Jared Polis, said he was “disappointed” by Biden’s decision to “put his family ahead of the country.” In a tweet late on Sunday, Polis wrote that he understands Biden’s “natural desire to help his son by pardoning him,” but “this is a bad precedent that could be abused by later presidents and will sadly tarnish his reputation.”

  • One year after Hamas invaded Israel, killing 1,200 and taking over 250 hostage, 63 remain in captivity in Gaza. On Saturday, it was confirmed that 20-year-old Israeli American Edan Alexander is among them, after Hamas released a propaganda video showing him speaking out for the first time. In the video, Alexander begs Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and president-elect Donald Trump not to forget him and his fellow hostages. Afterward, his mother Yael told thousands at a Tel Aviv rally that “My Edan, my love, we miss you so much.” She added that Netanyahu called her and “assured me that now, after the deal in Lebanon, the conditions are ripe to release you and bring you home”—referring to the 60-day ceasefire agreement between Israel and Hezbollah that has ended 13 months of armed conflict. Israel’s war with Hamas continues unabated for now.

  • Former presidential candidate—and newly appointed government cost-cutter—Vivek Ramaswamy slammed New York City for spending $220 million to turn the Roosevelt Hotel in Manhattan into a migrant shelter. The hotel, dubbed the “new Ellis Island,” has been housing illegal immigrants and asylum seekers in its 1,250 rooms since May 2023. In dire need of repair, the hotel is owned by the Pakistani government, which is using the $220 million in rent to avoid defaulting on its international debt, part of a bailout package from the International Monetary Fund.

  • Donald Trump’s latest controversial nomination, Kash Patel for head of the FBI, is getting early support from Republican legislators. In an announcement on Saturday, Trump cited Patel’s efforts to expose “the Russia hoax,” as the president-elect calls it, as an example of his commitment to the Constitution and agency reform. Patel, a former federal prosecutor and public defender, said he would “shut down the FBI Hoover Building on day one, and reopen it the next day as a museum of the deep state.”

  • After months of heated debate, the United Kingdom’s parliament voted to allow medically assisted suicide for terminally ill patients. However, some disabled people are afraid the new law is not neutral, and could put pressure on vulnerable patients to end their lives—creating a slippery slope toward future bills sanctioning euthanasia for the disabled, the poor, and the depressed. For a deeper dive into the national conversation on this bill, read Madeleine Kearns’ piece, “Should a Government Help People Die?

  • Russian and Syrian forces launched air strikes yesterday on rebel territory in northwest Syria, leaving more than 300 dead, including 20 civilians. The rebels, who captured Aleppo in a surprise attack, now control a broad stretch of land in the west and northwest of the country. Their breach of Aleppo has reignited the Syrian civil war and given insurgent militias the first upper hand since their nadir in 2016, when Assad’s government recaptured the part of the city controlled by rebels.

  • In one of those annual rituals that rank right up there with Groundhog Day, the Oxford University Press, which publishes the Oxford English Dictionary, has announced its word of the year: brain rot. According to the BBC, “It is a term that captures concerns about the impact of consuming excessive amounts of low-quality online content, especially on social media. The word’s usage saw an increase of 230 percent in its frequency from 2023 to 2024.” Other contenders included demure, dynamic pricing, and romantasy (romantasy?). We do have one question: Isn’t brain rot two words?

The Making of America’s Most Famous Cheerleaders

The Dallas Cowboys Cheerleaders aren’t just a famous pom-pom squad. They’re an American icon that has performed live with Dolly Parton and the band Queen, and danced to AC/DC’s “Thunderstruck” for more than 41.8 million viewers at home. Wannabe members face a lower acceptance rate than most Ivy League schools. But it wasn’t always this way.

Back in 1991, one woman transformed the DCC from a dance team burning through cash into a fully-fledged operation with the brand recognition of a Fortune 500 company.

That woman is Kelli Finglass, the director of the Dallas Cowboys Cheerleaders, who is somewhere between a drill sergeant and a mama bear. In a new episode of Honestly, Bari met with Finglass and asked her lots of burning questions, such as: How did she create a team culture of dedication and precision? What’s the line between compassion and hard-nosed management? And how does she retain America’s best dancers when any of them could easily achieve TikTok stardom overnight?

“I personally like people that want to be a part of a team and aren’t just trying to get followers,” Finglass told Bari. Click below to hear their full conversation.

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Joe Nocera is the deputy managing editor of The Free Press and the co-author of The Big Fail. Follow him on X @opinion_joe, and read his piece, “How a French Whale Made $85 Million off Trump’s Win.”

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