Substacks
The Cost of Bearing Witness Chris Hedges
Bearing Witness – Mr. Fish
Writing and photographing in wartime are acts of resistance, acts of faith. They affirm the belief that one day – a day the writers, journalists and photographers may never see – the words and images will evoke empathy, understanding, outrage and provide wisdom. They chronicle not only the facts, although facts are important, but the texture, sacredness and grief of lives and communities lost. They tell the world what war is like, how those caught in its maw of death endure, how there are those who sacrifice for others and those who do not, what fear and hunger are like, what death is like. They transmit the cries of children, the wails of grief of the mothers, the daily struggle in the face of savage industrial violence, the triumph of their humanity through dirt, filth, sickness, humiliation and fear. This is why writers, photographers and journalists are targeted by aggressors in war — including the Israelis — for obliteration. They stand as witnesses to evil, an evil the aggressors want buried and forgotten. They expose the lies. They condemn, even from the grave, their killers. Israel has killed at least 13 Palestinian poets and writers along with at least 67 journalists and media workers in Gaza, and three in Lebanon since Oct. 7.
I experienced futility and outrage when I covered war. I wondered if I had done enough, or if it was even worth the risk. But you go on because to do nothing is to be complicit. You report because you care. You will make it hard for the killers to deny their crimes.
This brings me to the Palestinian novelist and playwright Atef Abu Saif. He and his 15-year-old son Yasser, who live in the occupied West Bank, were visiting family in Gaza — where he was born — when Israel began its scorched earth campaign. Atef is no stranger to the violence of the Israeli occupiers. He was two months old during the 1973 war and writes “I’ve been living through wars ever since. Just as life is a pause between two deaths, Palestine, as a place and as an idea, is a timeout in the middle of many wars.”
During Operation Cast Lead, the 2008/2009 Israel assault on Gaza, Atef sheltered in the corridor of his Gaza family home for 22 nights with his wife, Hanna and two children, while Israel bombed and shelled. His book “The Drone Eats with Me: Diaries from a City Under Fire,” is an account of Operation Protective Edge, the 2014 Israeli assault on Gaza that killed 1,523 Palestinian civilians, including 519 children.
“Memories of war can be strangely positive, because to have them at all means you must have survived,” he notes sardonically.
He again did what writers do, including the professor and poet Refaat Alareer, who was killed, along with Refaat’s brother, sister and her four children, in an airstrike on his sister’s apartment building in Gaza on Dec. 7. The Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Monitor said that Alareer was deliberately targeted, “surgically bombed out of the entire building.” His killing came after weeks of “death threats that Refaat received online and by phone from Israeli accounts,” He had moved to his sister’s because of the threats.
Refaat, whose doctorate was on the metaphysical poet John Donne, wrote a poem in November, called “If I Must Die,” which became his last will and testament. It has been translated into numerous languages. A reading of the poem by the actor Brian Cox has been viewed almost 30 million times.
If I must die,
you must live
to tell my story
to sell my things
to buy a piece of cloth
and some strings,
(make it white with a long tail)
so that a child, somewhere in Gaza
while looking heaven in the eye
awaiting his dad who left in a blaze—
and bid no one farewell
not even to his flesh
not even to himself—
sees the kite, my kite you made,
flying up above
and thinks for a moment an angel is there
bringing back love
If I must die
let it bring hope
let it be a tale.
Atef, once again finding himself living amid the explosions and carnage from Israeli shells and bombs, doggedly publishes his observations and reflections. His accounts are often difficult to transmit because of Israel’s blockage of Internet and phone service. They have appeared in The Washington Post, The New York Times, The Nation and Slate.
On the first day of the Israeli bombardment, a friend, the young poet and musician Omar Abu Shawish, is killed, apparently in an Israeli naval bombardment, though later reports would say he was killed in an airstrike as he was walking to work. Atef wonders about the Israeli soldiers watching him and his family with “their infrared lenses and satellite photography.” Can “they count the loafs of bread in my basket, or the number of falafel balls on my plate?” he wonders. He watches the crowds of dazed and confused families, their homes in rubble, carrying “mattresses, bags of clothes, food and drink.” He stands mutely before “the supermarket, the bureau de change, the falafel shop, the fruit stalls, the perfume parlor, the sweets shop, the toy shop — all burned.”
“Blood was everywhere, along with bits of kids’ toys, cans from the supermarket, smashed fruit, broken bicycles and shattered perfume bottles,” he writes. “The place looked like a charcoal drawing of a town scorched by a dragon.”
“I went to the Press House, where journalists were frantically downloading images and writing reports for their agencies. I was sitting with Bilal, the Press House manager, when an explosion shook the building. Windows shattered, and the ceiling collapsed onto us in chunks. We ran toward the central hall. One of the journalists was bleeding, having been hit by flying glass. After 20 minutes, we ventured out to inspect the damage. I noticed that Ramadan decorations were still hanging in the street.”
“The city has become a wasteland of rubble and debris,” Atef, who has been the Palestinian Authority’s minister of culture since 2019, writes in the early days of the Israeli shelling of Gaza City. “Beautiful buildings fall like columns of smoke. I often think about the time I was shot as a kid, during the first intifada, and how my mother told me I actually died for a few minutes before being brought back to life. Maybe I can do the same this time, I think.”
He leaves his teenage son with family members.
“The Palestinian logic is that in wartime, we should all sleep in different places, so that if part of the family is killed, another part lives,” he writes. “The U.N. schools are getting more crowded with displaced families. The hope is that the U.N. flag will save them, though in previous wars, that hasn’t been the case.”
On Tuesday Oct. 17 he writes:
I see death approaching, hear its steps growing louder. Just be done with it, I think. It’s the 11th day of the conflict, but all the days have merged into one: the same bombardment, the same fear, the same smell. On the news, I read the names of the dead on the ticker at the bottom of the screen. I wait for my name to appear.
In the morning, my phone rang. It was Rulla, a relative in the West Bank, telling me she had heard there’d been an airstrike in Talat Howa, a neighborhood on the south side of Gaza City where my cousin Hatem lives. Hatem is married to Huda, my wife’s only sister. He lives in a four-story building that also houses his mother and brothers and their families.
I called around, but no one’s phone was working. I walked to al-Shifa Hospital to read the names: Lists of the dead are pinned up daily outside a makeshift morgue. I could barely approach the building: Thousands of Gazans had made the hospital their home; its gardens, its hallways, every empty space or spare corner had a family in it. I gave up and headed toward Hatem’s.
Thirty minutes later, I was on his street. Rulla had been right. Huda and Hatem’s building had been hit only an hour earlier. The bodies of their daughter and grandchild had already been retrieved; the only known survivor was Wissam, one of their other daughters, who had been taken to the ICU. Wissam had gone straight into surgery, where both of her legs and her right hand had been amputated. Her graduation ceremony from art college had taken place only the day before. She has to spend the rest of her life without legs, with one hand. “What about the others?” I asked someone.
“We can’t find them,” came the reply.
Amid the rubble, we shouted: “Hello? Can anyone hear us?” We called out the names of those still missing, hoping some might still be alive. By the end of the day, we’d managed to find five bodies, including that of a 3-month-old. We went to the cemetery to bury them.
In the evening, I went to see Wissam in the hospital; she was barely awake. After half an hour, she asked me: “Khalo [Uncle], I’m dreaming, right?”
I said, “We are all in a dream.”
“My dream is terrifying! Why?”
“All our dreams are terrifying.”
After 10 minutes of silence, she said, “Don’t lie to me, Khalo. In my dream, I don’t have legs. It’s true, isn’t it? I have no legs?”
“But you said it’s a dream.”
“I don’t like this dream, Khalo.”
I had to leave. For a long 10 minutes, I cried and cried. Overwhelmed by the horrors of the past few days, I walked out of the hospital and found myself wandering the streets. I thought idly, we could turn this city into a film set for war movies. Second World War films and end-of-the-world movies. We could hire it out to the best Hollywood directors. Doomsday on demand. Who could have the courage to tell Hanna, so far away in Ramallah, that her only sister had been killed? That her family had been killed? I phoned my colleague Manar and asked her to go to our house with a couple of friends and try to delay the news from getting to her. “Lie to her,” I told Manar. “Say the building was attacked by F-16s but the neighbors think Huda and Hatem were out at the time. Any lie that could help.”
Leaflets in Arabic dropped by Israeli helicopters float down from the sky. They announce that anyone who remains north of the Wadi waterway will be considered a partner to terrorism, “meaning,” Atef writes, “the Israelis can shoot on sight.” The electricity is cut. Food, fuel and water begin to run out. The wounded are operated on without anesthesia. There are no painkillers or sedatives. He visits his niece Wissam, racked with pain, in al-Shifa Hospital who asks him for a lethal injection. She says Allah will forgive her.
“But he will not forgive me, Wissam.”
“I am going to ask him to, on your behalf,” she says.
After airstrikes he joins the rescue teams “under the cricket-like hum of drones we couldn’t see in the sky.” A line from T.S Eliot, “a heap of broken images,” runs through his head. The injured and dead are “transported on three-wheeled bicycles or dragged along in carts by animals.”
“We picked up pieces of mutilated bodies and gathered them on a blanket; you find a leg here, a hand there, while the rest looks like minced meat,” he writes. “In the past week, many Gazans have started writing their names on their hands and legs, in pen or permanent marker, so they can be identified when death comes. This might seem macabre, but it makes perfect sense: We want to be remembered; we want our stories to be told; we seek dignity. At the very least, our names will be on our graves. The smell of unretrieved bodies under the ruins of a house hit last week remains in the air. The more time passes, the stronger the smell.”
The scenes around him become surreal. On Nov. 19, day 44 of the assault, he writes:
A man rides a horse toward me with the body of a dead teenager slung over the saddle in front. It seems it’s his son, perhaps. It looks like a scene from a historical movie, only the horse is weak and barely able to move. He is back from no battle. He is no knight. His eyes are full of tears as he holds the little riding crop in one hand and the bridle in the other. I have an impulse to photograph him but then feel suddenly sick at the idea. He salutes no one. He barely looks up. He is too consumed with his own loss. Most people are using the camp’s old cemetery; it’s the safest and although it is technically long-since full, they have started digging shallower graves and burying the new dead on top of the old—keeping families together, of course.
On Nov. 21 after constant tank-shelling, he decides to flee the Jabaliya neighborhood in the north of Gaza for the south, with his son and mother-in-law who is in a wheelchair. They must pass through Israeli checkpoints, where soldiers randomly select men and boys from the line for detention.
“Scores of bodies are strewn along both sides of the road,” he writes. “Rotting, it seems, into the ground. The smell is horrendous. A hand reaches out toward us from the window of a burned-out car, as if asking for something, from me specifically. I see what looks like two headless bodies in a car — limbs and precious body parts just thrown away and left to fester.”
He tells his son Yasser: “Don’t look. Just keep walking, son.”
In early Dec. his family home is destroyed in an airstrike.
“The house a writer grows up in is a well from which to draw material. In each of my novels, whenever I wanted to depict a typical house in the camp, I conjured ours. I’d move the furniture around a bit, change the name of the alley, but who was I kidding? It was always our house.”
“All the houses in Jabalya are small. They’re built randomly, haphazardly, and they’re not made to last. These houses replaced the tents that Palestinians like my grandmother Eisha lived in after the displacements of 1948. Those who built them always thought they’d soon be returning to the beautiful, spacious homes they’d left behind in the towns and villages of historic Palestine. That return never happened, despite our many rituals of hope, like safeguarding the key to the old family home. The future keeps betraying us, but the past is ours.”
“Though I’ve lived in many cities around the world, and visited many more, that tiny ramshackle abode was the only place I ever felt at home’” he goes on. “Friends and colleagues always asked: Why don’t you live in Europe or America? You have the opportunity. My students chimed in: Why did you return to Gaza? My answer was always the same: ‘Because in Gaza, in an alleyway in the Saftawi neighborhood of Jabalya, there stands a little house that cannot be found anywhere else in the world.’ If on doomsday God were to ask me where I would like to be sent, I wouldn’t hesitate in saying, ‘Home.’ Now there is no home.”
Atef is now trapped in southern Gaza with his son. His niece was transferred to a hospital in Egypt. Israel continues to pound Gaza with over 20,000 dead and 50,000 wounded. Atef continues to write.
The story of Christmas is the story of a poor woman, nine months pregnant, and her husband forced to leave their home in Nazareth in northern Galilee. The occupying Roman power has demanded they register for the census 90 miles away in Bethlehem. When they arrive there are no rooms. She gives birth in a stable. King Herod – who learned from the Magi of the birth of the messiah – orders his soldiers to hunt down every child two years old and under in Bethlehem and the vicinity and murder them. An angel warns Joseph in a dream to flee. The couple and infant escape under the cover of darkness and make the 40-mile journey to Egypt.
I was in a refugee camp in the early 1980s for Guatemalans who had fled the war into Honduras. The peasant farmers and their families, living in filth and mud, their villages and homes burned or abandoned, were decorating their tents with strips of colored paper to celebrate the Massacre of the Innocents.
“Why is this such an important day?” I asked.
“It was on this day that Christ became a refugee,” a farmer answered.
The Christmas story was not written for the oppressors. It was written for the oppressed. We are called to protect the innocents. We are called to defy the occupying power. Atef, Refaat and those like them, who speak to us at the risk of death, echo this Biblical injunction. They speak so we will not be silent. They speak so we will take these words and images and hold them up to the principalities of the world — the media, politicians, diplomats, universities, the wealthy and privileged, the weapons manufacturers, the Pentagon and the Israel lobby groups — who are orchestrating the genocide in Gaza. The infant Christ is not lying today in straw, but a pile of broken concrete.
Evil has not changed down the millenia. Neither has goodness.
Former Republican representative Liz Cheney of Wyoming joined Vice President Kamala Harris on a stage hung with red, white, and blue bunting and signs that said “Country Over Party.” As Cheney took the stage, the crowd chanted, “Thank you, Liz!” The two were on the campaign trail today in Ripon, Wisconsin, the town that claims to be the birthplace of the Republican Party. It was in that then-tiny town in 1852 that Alvan E. Bovay, who had recently emigrated from New York, called for a new political party to stand against slavery.
The idea of a new party took off in 1854 when it became clear the Kansas-Nebraska Act permitting the westward expansion of human enslavement would become law. When they met in February of that year, people in Ripon were early participants in the movement of people across the North to defend democracy. Rather than standing against slavery alone, those organizing in 1854 stood against an entire political system, opposing the small group of elite enslavers who had taken over the U.S. government in order to establish an oligarchy and were quite clear they rejected the self-evident truth in the Declaration of Independence that all men were created equal. Instead, they intended to rule over the nation’s majority, whose labor produced the capital that southern leaders believed only elites should control.
In the face of this existential threat to the country, party divisions crumbled.
Pundits have described today’s event as a component of Harris’s ongoing outreach to Republicans, and in part, it is. That outreach, begun under President Joe Biden and continuing even more aggressively under Harris, is bearing fruit as in an open letter today, two dozen Republican former officials and lawmakers in Wisconsin endorsed Harris and her running mate Minnesota governor Tim Walz. “We have plenty of policy disagreements with Vice President Harris,” the Republicans wrote. “But what we do agree upon is more important. We agree that we cannot afford another four years of the broken promises, election denialism, and chaos of Donald Trump’s leadership.”
Lately, there have been indications of what returning Trump to office might mean.
On Tuesday, Trump suggested that the U.S. soldiers who sustained traumatic brain injuries (TBI) when Iran attacked an Iraqi base where they were stationed were not truly injured, but simply had “headaches.” Trump’s statement brought back to light a 2021 CBS report by Catherine Herridge and Michael Kaplan that found the injured soldiers had not been recognized with a Purple Heart, awarded to service members wounded or killed in the line of duty, despite qualifying for it. This slight meant they were denied the medical benefits that come with that military decoration.
The soldiers told Herridge and Kaplan that they were pressured to downplay their injuries to avoid undercutting Trump’s attempt to keep the casualty numbers in that incident low. With the story back in the news, Kaplan posted that after the report, the Army awarded the soldiers the Purple Hearts they deserved.
Journalist Magdi Jacobs recalled the argument of Trump’s lawyers before the Supreme Court that Trump could not prod a SEAL team to assassinate a rival because service members would adhere to the rules of their institutions. The Army officers’ bowing to Trump’s political demands proved that argument was wrong and set off “[m]ajor alarm bells,” Jacobs posted, suggesting that the military would not stand firm against Trump in a second term, especially now that the Supreme Court says a president cannot be prosecuted for crimes committed as part of official duties.
Scott Waldman and Thomas Frank of Politico’s E&E News covering energy and the environment reported today that two former White House officials said that Trump was “flagrantly partisan” when responding to natural disasters. One said that in 2018 Trump refused to approve disaster aid after wildfires to California, perceiving it as a Democratic state. To get disaster money, the aide showed Trump polling results revealing that Orange County, which had been badly damaged in the fires, “had more Trump supporters than the entire state of Iowa.”
Defending the Big Lie that Trump had won the 2020 presidential election, former Colorado county clerk Tina Peters in 2021 gave a security badge to a man associated with MyPillow owner Mike Lindell to enable him to breach the county’s voting systems in an unsuccessful attempt to find evidence of voter fraud. A jury found Peters guilty of four felonies related to the scheme. Today, District Court Judge Matthew Barrett sentenced Peters to nine years in prison.
But there are other stories these days of what the government can accomplish when it is focused on the good of all Americans.
About 45,000 dock workers in the International Longshoremen’s Association went on strike Tuesday when the union could not reach an agreement with the United States Maritime Alliance (USMX) employer group over a new contract. The strike shut down 36 ports from Maine to Texas, affecting about half the country’s shipping just as the areas hammered by Hurricane Helene desperately needed supplies. Dockworkers wanted a pay increase of up to 77% over six years and better benefits, as well as an end to the automation that threatens union jobs.
President Joe Biden reiterated his support for collective bargaining despite the threat to an economic slowdown from the strike. The Wall Street Journal editorial board excoriated Biden and the union, saying: “President Biden wants unions to have extortionary bargaining power, and he’s getting a demonstration of it on election eve. Congratulations.”
But today the International Longshoremen’s Association suspended the strike after USMX agreed to wage increases of 62% over six years. The two sides agreed to extend the current contract until January 15 to address the issues of benefits and automation. Administration officials White House Chief of Staff Jeff Zients, top White House economic advisor Lael Brainard, Acting Secretary of Labor Julie Su, and Secretary of Transportation Pete Buttigieg helped broker the temporary agreement.
The government’s power to make things better is also on display amid the rubble and ruin left behind by Hurricane Helene. Yesterday evening, after taking an aerial tour of western North Carolina to survey the damage and receiving a briefing in Raleigh, President Biden thanked both “the Republican governor of South Carolina and the Democratic governor of North Carolina and all of the elected officials who’ve focused on the task at hand. In a moment like this, we put politics aside. At least we should put it all aside, and we have here. There are no Democrats or Republicans; there are only Americans. And our job is to help as many people as we can as quickly as we can and as thoroughly as we can.”
Biden explained that the federal government had 1,000 first responders in place before the storms hit, and that he had approved emergency declarations as soon as he received the requests from the governors. Yesterday he directed the Defense Department to move 1,000 soldiers to reinforce North Carolina’s National Guard to speed up the delivery of supplies like food, water, and medicine to isolated communities, some of which are accessible now only by pack mule.
He has already deployed 50 Starlink satellites for communication, and more are coming.
Teams from the Federal Emergency Management Agency are offering free temporary housing, as well as delivering food and water. They are helping people apply for the help that they need.
While Trump and MAGA Republicans insist that Biden is botching the response to Helene, CNN fact checker Daniel Dale noted that the response has gotten bipartisan praise. Republican governors Henry McMaster of South Carolina and Glenn Youngkin of Virginia both thanked Biden by name for what McMaster called a “superb” response.
So today’s bipartisan event in Ripon suggests far more than Democratic outreach to Republicans. It appears to be a commitment to a government that advances the interests of ordinary people, and protects the right of everyone to be treated equally before the law and to have a say in their government. Republican Abraham Lincoln articulated this worldview for his fledgling party in 1859 as it took a stand against oligarchs. Believing these principles accurately represented the aspirations of the nation’s founders, Lincoln called them “conservative.” People from all parties rallied to the party that promised to defend those principles.
“The president of the United States must not look at our country through the narrow lens of ideology or petty partisanship or self-interest,” Harris said today. “The president of the United States must not look at our country as an instrument for their own ambitions. Our nation is not some spoil to be won. The United States of America is the greatest idea humanity ever devised: the nation that inspired the world to believe in the possibility of a representative government. And so in the face of those who would endanger our magnificent experiment, people of every party must stand together.”
“In this election, putting patriotism ahead of partisanship is not an aspiration. It is our duty,” Cheney said. “I ask all of you here and everyone listening across this great country to join us. I ask you to meet this moment. I ask you to stand in truth, to reject the depraved cruelty of Donald Trump.
“And I ask you instead to help us elect Kamala Harris for president. I know…that…a president Harris will be able to unite this nation. I know that she will be a president who will defend the rule of law, and I know that she will be a president who can inspire all of our children—and if I might say so, especially our little girls—to do great things. So help us right the ship of our democracy so that history will say of us, when our time of testing came, we did our duty and we prevailed because we loved our country more.”
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Notes:
https://www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/watch-live-liz-cheney-joins-harris-campaign-rally-in-ripon-wis
https://apnews.com/article/kamala-harris-cheney-wisconsin-trump-89396853e5521c3870a3c88e04cbfd99
https://www.texastribune.org/2024/10/02/adam-kinzinger-republicans-colin-allred-texas/
https://thehill.com/homenews/state-watch/4914462-colorado-county-clerk-sentenced-election-breach/
https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/2024/10/03/port-strike-over/
https://www.cnn.com/2024/10/03/politics/fact-check-trump-biden-hurricane-response/index.html
https://www.axios.com/2024/10/01/hurricane-helene-north-carolina-mules-aid
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Hurricane Helene caused mass destruction across the southeastern United States, leaving thousands needing aid and at least 227 people dead. Now, former President Donald Trump is using the disaster as a political cudgel, falsely claiming that the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) is out of money because it diverted funds to “illegal immigrants.”
“The Harris-Biden administration says they don’t have any money [for hurricane relief]. … They spent it all on illegal migrants,” Trump said Thursday during a rally in Michigan. “They stole the FEMA money just like they stole it from a bank.”
Trump’s claim is false. FEMA is not out of money, and no money was diverted to undocumented immigrants.
FEMA, a part of the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), says it has enough funds for recovery efforts in the wake of Hurricane Helene. On Wednesday, DHS Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas said, “We have the immediate needs right now.” Mayorkas said he was concerned there may not be enough funds for the rest of hurricane season, with another hurricane expected to hit later this week.
But any shortfall would be driven by the increase in extreme weather events — not disaster relief funds being diverted to undocumented immigrants. FEMA has a separate program, the Shelter and Services Program, which gives funds to local governments and nonprofits to provide shelter, food, and transportation to undocumented immigrants. In 2024, Congress allocated $650 million to the program. The administration has a legal obligation to spend funds for their Congressionally-authorized purpose.
During his presidency, Trump diverted disaster relief money to provide services for undocumented immigrants. In 2019, the Trump administration informed Congress that it was taking “$155 million from the disaster fund” for “immigration detention space and temporary hearing locations for asylum seekers,” the Washington Post reported.
Trump’s lies about FEMA, which are ongoing, have also been amplified by other Republican allies, including Representative Jim Jordan (R-OH), Representative Troy Nehls (R-TX), and Elon Musk.
This is not just another lie. Spreading misinformation about FEMA’s capabilities hampers relief efforts. On Friday, FEMA Administrator Deanne Criswell said at a press conference that misinformation can lead to people who need help not registering for aid. “This level of misinformation creates the scenario where they won’t even come to us,” Criswell said.
Trump has always exploited undocumented immigrants for political advantage. But falsely blaming migrants for nearly every problem — real and imagined — is the core issue of the Trump 2024 campaign.
The Trump campaign blames undocumented immigrants for a “crime wave”
Trump’s false claim that undocumented immigrants are responsible for a crime wave is a staple of his stump speech. On August 22, Trump claimed that the Biden-Harris administration “unleashed a deadly plague of migrant crime on our country by not doing their job.” At the Turning Point Action Conference in July, Trump told the crowd, “We have a new form of crime. It’s called migrant crime.”
There is no violent crime wave. Violent crime has declined or remained flat each year of the Biden administration. According to the FBI’s 2023 crime report, violent crime decreased three percent last year, and there was a significant decline in murder (-11.3%).
Jeff Asher, co-founder of AH Datalytics and crime statistics expert, told Popular Information he has not seen “any evidence” of undocumented immigrants fueling increases in crime. Asher previously looked at “violent crime across the 14 counties along the Texas border with Mexico” and found a “relatively steady violent crime rate below that of the rest of their state and the nation as a whole.” Furthermore, research shows that immigration is linked to decreases in violent crime, and neighborhoods with higher concentrations of immigrant populations have lower crime rates.
The Trump campaign blames undocumented immigrants for voter fraud
Trump has also falsely claimed that the Biden administration is allowing undocumented immigrants to enter the country so that they can illegally vote and steal the 2024 election. Last week, Trump argued that the Biden-Harris administration “stole the FEMA money” so that they could give it to undocumented immigrants as a political strategy because they want them to “vote for them.”
During the presidential debate against Vice President Harris in September, Trump claimed that “a lot of these illegal immigrants coming in, they’re trying to get them to vote.” Trump stated, “They can’t even speak English. They don’t even know what country they’re in, practically. And these people are trying to get them to vote, and that’s why they’re allowing them into our country.” This claim has been repeated by Trump and his allies for months. It is also rooted in a white nationalist conspiracy theory called the great replacement theory.
But the reality is that it is illegal for undocumented immigrants to vote in U.S. elections. Further, data shows it almost never happens. The Heritage Foundation, a right-wing think tank, maintains a database of voter fraud that found “fewer than 100 examples of non-citizens voting between 2002 and 2022, amid more than 1 billion lawfully cast ballots.”
The Trump campaign blames undocumented immigrants for driving up housing costs
During the vice presidential debate last week, Senator JD Vance (R-OH) claimed that housing is “totally unaffordable because we brought in millions of illegal immigrants to compete with Americans for scarce homes.” Vance also argued that undocumented immigrants are “one of the most significant drivers of home prices in the country.”
This is not true. Economists and housing experts told the Washington Post that many other factors are more significant than undocumented immigrants when it comes to increases in housing prices. Additionally, many immigrants come into the country with “few financial resources,” and are therefore “far less likely to be able to buy a home.” While there is evidence that an increase in immigrants may slightly increase rent rates, just as any population increase, a study shows that the increase is minimal.
The Trump campaign plans to conduct a “mass deportation” of undocumented immigrants to lower housing costs. But, according to economists, this plan would likely increase housing costs instead of lowering them. A report by Mother Jones notes that Trump’s deportation plans may “grind the construction of new housing to a halt,” since 1.4 million undocumented workers work in construction, making up “more than 10 percent of the entire labor force, and 32 percent of roofers.”
The Trump campaign claims undocumented immigrants will bankrupt Medicare and Social Security
At nearly every campaign stop, Trump claims that undocumented immigrants will drain resources from Medicare and Social Security.
At a Pennsylvania rally on August 17, Trump said “[Harris is] going to destroy your Medicare. She’s going to destroy your Social Security. First, she has thrown open our borders. Second, she is flooding our country with millions and millions of low-wage migrants and giving them welfare, free health care, food stamps, public benefits…. She wants to make them citizens, dumping them onto Medicare and dumping them into your beautiful Social Security program.”
The GOP has also included this claim in its official 2024 platform, which reads, “Republicans will protect Medicare’s finances from being financially crushed by the Democrat plan to add tens of millions of new illegal immigrants to the rolls of Medicare. We vow to strengthen Medicare for future generations.”
Studies show, however, that immigrants boost Medicare and Social Security by contributing more tax dollars than they receive in benefits from the two programs.
A 2013 study, for example, found that in 2009, immigrants made 14.7 percent of all contributions to Medicare that year while only accounting for 7.9 percent of the program’s expenditures, resulting in a surplus of nearly $14 billion. That same year, people born in the US generated a deficit of $30.9 billion. (Undocumented immigrants are not able to enroll in Medicare.)
Immigrants have a similar effect on the Social Security budget because they increase the ratio of workers paying into the system to retirees benefiting from it. (Undocumented immigrants cannot recieve social security benefits.)
The Trump campaign blames undocumented immigrants for taking jobs from American citizens
Another popular Trump refrain is that undocumented immigrants are taking jobs from American citizens. In a September speech to the Economic Club of New York, he claimed that “100% of the jobs created under [Biden’s] administration have gone to illegal migrants that came into our country.”
According to reporting by Forbes, this is false. Since Biden took office, the number of U.S.-born people in the workforce has increased by 6%, and the number of foreign-born workers has increased by 22%. Under Trump, both workforce populations decreased, by 1.4%and 1.6%respectively.
As Popular Information has previously reported, undocumented immigrants in the US workforce mean more jobs for American citizens. If Trump is elected and carries out his plan for mass deportation of undocumented immigrants, U.S.-born citizens can expect their job opportunities to shrink. One study on the economic impacts of deportation found that for every 1 million immigrants deported between 2008 and 2014, 88,000 American workers lost jobs. Without undocumented immigrants, the American economy’s current labor shortage would be even worse.
The Trump campaign blames undocumented immigrants for smuggling Fentanyl
At a July rally, Trump claimed “We’re losing 300,000 people a year to fentanyl that comes through our border.” Vance parrotted this claim at the vice presidential debate last week, saying, “Kamala Harris let in fentanyl into our communities at record levels.”
However, it is largely American citizens who are responsible for bringing fentanyl into the country. According to the U.S. Sentencing Commission, 86.2 percent of fentanyl trafficking offenders in 2021 were U.S. citizens.
Trump’s claim that fentanyl is killing hundreds of thousands of Americans a year is also exaggerated. The total number of annual drug overdoses is between 100,000 and 110,000, while the number of opioid overdoses (which includes, but is not limited to, fentanyl deaths) is about 81,000.
The Trump campaign blames undocumented immigrants for inflation
Undocumented immigrants are also responsible for inflation, according to Trump. In July, he told supporters at a Michigan rally that “another key driver of inflation is the migrant invasion Kamala Harris has created on our southern border.”
A study by the Peterson Institute for International Economics found that if Trump succeeded in deporting 7.5 million workers over a two-year period, inflation would be 7.4 percent higher than if the mass deportation plan was not enacted because the deportation would worsen existing labor shortages and decrease production. If Trump deported 1.3 million workers, inflation would be 1.3 percent higher.
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