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Condoleezza Rice: Juneteenth Is Our Second Independence Day. Plus. . . Oliver Wiseman

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Annie Moore Schwein was born enslaved in Corpus Christi, Texas. (Dorothea Lange via Getty Images)

On today’s Front Page from The Free Press: Carine Azzopardi on the ideology that killed her partner; an exclusive interview with Eden Golan; our Ren Faire reality; and much more. 

But first, our lead story, from former secretary of state Condoleezza Rice: 

On June 19, 1865, the last slaves in America were freed when Major General Gordon Granger arrived with his troops in Galveston Bay, Texas, and brought the news that slavery had been abolished. A century later, I was growing up in Birmingham, Alabama, which was then the most segregated city in the country. My father couldn’t vote with reliability. We couldn’t go to the movie theater, sit at the lunch counter, or go to school with white children.

I was eight years old when, on a Sunday morning in September 1963, the 16th Street Baptist Church was bombed. I felt the blast a few blocks away in the church where my father was the pastor. Four little girls, two of whom I knew, were killed.

Mourners at a funeral for victims of 16th Street Baptist Church bombing, Birmingham, Alabama, late September 1963. (Photo by Burton McNeely/Getty Images)

But our community rallied and held close to one another. Despite the struggles of those years, we knew how far we had come from that fateful day in 1865.

Every year on Juneteenth, my parents and I talked about what our ancestors must have felt the moment they found out they were free and used it as an inspiration to keep seeking a better life here in America.

But even though my family has been celebrating Juneteenth since my childhood, it wasn’t until 2021 that Congress voted, almost unanimously, to make Juneteenth National Independence Day a federal holiday. Because many Americans are unfamiliar with its significance, some, perhaps understandably, wonder why it needed national recognition at all. After all, all Americans celebrate the Fourth of July—the ultimate celebration of our nation’s founding, of our independence and our liberty. 

To me, Juneteenth is a recognition of what I call America’s second founding. 

Read on for more from Condoleezza Rice on the meaning of Juneteenth. 

Last week, a former acting CIA director and a respected foreign policy thinker sounded the alarm on the “serious threat of a terrorist attack in the months ahead.” Michael Morell and Graham Allison argue there are echoes today of the run-up to 9/11. On Sunday, House Intelligence Committee Chair Mike Turner warned that the United States has reached the “highest level of a possible terrorist threat.” In March, Director of National Intelligence Avril Haines warned of a “generational” terrorism threat downstream from the war in Gaza. 

Time and again, people in a position to know warn of the seriousness of the threat. Time and again, no one seems to pay much attention. 

One person under no illusions about the grave threat posed by Islamist terrorism is the writer Carine Azzopardi. Carine’s partner Guillaume was murdered in the ISIS terrorist attack on the Bataclan concert hall in 2015 that left 90 people dead. As she explains in our pages today, Carine has dedicated herself to understanding why Guillaume was taken from her. But while Carine has reported on the Islamism that motivated her partner’s killers, she finds herself baffled that those living in the West are too afraid to say it out loud. 

Read Carine in full on the ideology too many dare not name.

In the latest issue of Foreign Affairs—the magazine for Washington’s foreign policy establishment—two authors offer dueling visions of America’s role in the world, and a sense of the foreign policies on offer from Biden and Trump. In one essay, former Obama aide Ben Rhodes makes the case for Team Biden that is entirely preoccupied with the home front—and by that he means Donald Trump. “The most important thing that America can do in the world is detoxify its own democracy,” he concludes. (Foreign Affairs

In the second essay, former Trump national security adviser Robert O’Brien promises “realism with a Jacksonian flavor” in a second Trump term. To achieve “peace through strength,” O’Brien has a number of bold suggestions, including deploying the entire Marine Corps to Asia and resuming live nuclear-weapons testing. . . which all sounds a little too Dr. Strangelove. Wasn’t Trump supposed to be an isolationist? (Foreign Affairs)

China’s rich are fleeing the country at a record pace. The country saw the world’s largest outflow of high-net-worth individuals last year and is expected to see a record 15,200 leave this year, according to a new report. Their top destinations are the U.S., Canada, and Singapore. (Nikkei Asia

Could Donald Trump bail on next week’s presidential debate? The loose-lipped Democratic strategist James Carville said yesterday, “If I was a gambler—and actually, I am a gambler—I’d take even money that Trump doesn’t show up.” (Mediaite

Leading teen mental health researcher Jean M. Twenge reports on the alarmingly steep rise in ER admissions for self-harm among 10- to 14-year-old girls. Five times more girls in that age range were admitted to the ER for self-harm in 2022 than in 2009. Twenge points the finger at social media. U.S. surgeon general Dr. Vivek Murthy is now calling for a health warning for apps like Instagram and TikTok. (Generation Tech)  

New York congressman Jamaal Bowman is fighting for his political life ahead of a primary next week. Bowman’s October 7 denialism is the latest example of a long-standing hostility toward Israel that’s soured Jewish constituents on him. One amusing detail from this profile: a 2022 text message Bowman sent a Jewish leader in Westchester County in which he asked, “Do you have pics of us? So I can show the world I’m friends with Jewish people.” (Jewish Insider

Is any state more important than Pennsylvania in this election? Not according to William Galston, who explains why Biden will almost certainly lose the presidency if he loses the Keystone State. And according to the Real Clear Politics average, Trump has a three-point lead in PA. (Wall Street Journal

In the UK, the Conservative Party’s election campaign is not going well. Prime Minister Rishi Sunak—famed for cringe-inducing moments like the time he told children “I’m a total coke addict!”—tried to feed a flock of sheep. Much like British voters, the creatures fled. (The Independent)

In his new memoir Late Admissions, the economist Glenn Loury bluntly details his lows as well as his highs. Those lows include drug addiction, serial infidelity, and an arrest. To mark the book’s publication, Loury takes the characteristically brave step of inviting his own son on his podcast for a candid conversation about the book—and all his mistakes. (Glenn Loury Substack

It’s been a decade since flight MH370 crashed into the Indian Ocean. That’s the theory, anyway. Or one of them. We still don’t actually know where the plane, and its 239 passengers and crew, ended up. But British researchers have made headlines by discovering a six-second signal picked up on underwater microphones that may offer some clues. (Daily Mail)

We don’t tend to pay much attention to Eurovision, the campy, colorful, and at times ridiculous international song competition. This year was different. 

This year—surprise, surprise—the focus was on boycotting Israel. Over 1,000 Swedish musicians, including the pop star Robyn, signed a petition calling for Israel’s exclusion. In Finland, 1,300 artists signed a similar petition. Bars here in New York announced they wouldn’t screen the competition in protest. Israel was forced to revise its song after its original entry, “October Rain,” was deemed too political. 

At the center of it all was 20-year-old Eden Golan, the Israeli contestant who faced death threats, jeers during rehearsals and her performance, and hostility from fellow competitors, one of whom pretended to fall asleep while Eden spoke during press conferences. Another told reporters how they cried upon hearing that Golan had advanced to the final round. As for Golan, she spent the competition in her hotel while the head of Israel’s Shin Bet flew in to keep her safe as mobs gathered outside. 

Despite calls for boycott, 163 million people tuned in to Eurovision this year to watch Golan and the other performers. She placed fifth, and snagged the number two spot when it came to the public vote. 

For her first in-depth interview since performing in Sweden, Golan talks to Suzy Weiss about how she handled the pressure of being the most-hated performer in Eurovision history before ever singing a note.

Watch their conversation below: 

→ RIP, SIO: The Stanford Internet Observatory—a research center tasked with rooting out “misinformation” on social media—is shutting its doors. Chances are if you’ve heard of the SIO it was in a scathing piece from Michael Shellenberger or Matt Taibbi, who have accused the center of being a key node in the censorship-industrial complex.

It was also my first employer. Like a zillion other bright-eyed Stanford undergrads, I was drawn to work at a place that promised to “learn about the abuse of the internet in real time, to develop a novel curriculum on trust and safety that is a first in computer science, and to translate our research discoveries into training and policy innovations for the public good.” To me, that meant ending internet abuse like the glamorization of anorexia on social media or financial scams that steal billions every year. But mostly I worked on the Election Integrity Partnership (EIP), which SIO ran during the 2020 and 2022 elections. The purpose of that project was to identify so-called “fake news” spreading on social media. 

In actuality, SIO hired a load of interns to scan social media for posts deemed to be mis- and disinformation. It turns out that the posts we students flagged were often sent along to moderators at Twitter (now X), Facebook, Instagram, and TikTok, which took them down in order to quash dissenting viewpoints—viewpoints that sometimes ended up being right, as in the case of Covid likely being the result of a lab leak, or Hunter Biden’s hard drive being his actual hard drive—not Russian disinformation. 

Thanks to the work of independent journalists, the SIO’s work has come under a lot of scrutiny, including in Washington. A recent House Judiciary Committee report alleges that, by cooperating with the Department of Homeland Security, the SIO’s Election Integrity Partnership “provided a way for the federal government to launder its censorship activities in hopes of bypassing both the First Amendment and public scrutiny.” 

The SIO has stated that “Stanford has not shut down or dismantled SIO as a result of outside pressure. SIO does, however, face funding challenges as its founding grants will soon be exhausted.” But on June 13, Platformer reported that much of SIO’s staff was on the way out: “Its founding director, Alex Stamos, left his position in November. Renee DiResta, its research director, left last week after her contract was not renewed. One other staff member’s contract expired this month, while others have been told to look for jobs elsewhere, sources say.”

The Supreme Court will soon rule on a case, Murthy v. Missouri, that addresses whether the U.S. government should be able to collaborate with social media companies to censor commentary. The plaintiffs, in their brief, lambast SIO for its role in abetting government censorship. We’ll be watching that case closely.
Julia Steinberg

→ A second whistleblower at Texas Children’s Hospital: Texas Children’s Hospital, and its secret gender transition program, is back in the news with another whistleblower’s account. Yesterday, we reported that surgeon Eithan Haim is facing federal charges and ten years in prison for exposing this program. In City Journal, Christopher Rufo tells the story of nurse Vanessa Sivadge, who accuses her employer of committing Medicaid fraud in its covert program to medically transition minors. Sivadge describes her growing alarm at the conveyor belt that gender-distressed children—many with significant psychological problems—were put on. More than that, she concluded that the gender doctors were likely using Medicaid to pay for some patients’ gender transitions, even though such use of taxpayer funds is prohibited by Texas law. For talking privately to Rufo, Sivadge has already been visited by FBI agents. But she told him her reason for going public now: “It made me sick that the lie called ‘gender-affirming care’ was being sold to parents and children and creating hugely lucrative profits in secret—and I was part of it.” —Emily Yoffe

→ We’re all living in Ren Faire: Lance Oppenheim’s new HBO docuseries Ren Faire focuses on “King” George Coulam, the 86-year-old owner of America’s largest Renaissance fair. It’s the most exciting succession drama since Succession. George and his brother David founded an entire town in 1974 so that they could operate the festival without interference from the authorities. The Texas Renaissance Festival now attracts half a million people every fall, and at the height of his powers, in 2021, George decided to retire—and, as the docuseries shows, his various underlings began fighting to succeed him. 

There’s general manager Jeff, a kind-hearted theater-head; Darla, a hard-nosed former elephant trainer who is Jeff’s co-manager; and Louie, an ambitious Red Bull–swigging kettle corn vendor from a rich family. As the three plot against each other, George toys with them. He sends people on pointless international business trips. He fires employees, then rehires them. He makes deals to sell the business, claiming all he wants to do is work on his art and date the young women that his Zoomer assistant finds for him on sugar daddy sites. Then, he reneges on the deals at the last minute, retreating into his mansion to listen to Enya on repeat, crown still firmly affixed. 

The truth is, George doesn’t want to retire at all. Pretending he does just allows him to continue exercising his power. Kings don’t retire—they die—and George is still kicking.

It’s difficult to watch the docuseries and not think of the upcoming election. Two men in the twilight of their lives are stubbornly refusing to relinquish power—or let the country move on. Around them, various underlings scheme: It could happen at any moment, Gavin Newsom and Matt Gaetz are perhaps telling themselves. But Biden and Trump are still kicking. —River Page

Jerry recommends NASA’s Astronomy Picture of the Day: Some are photos of the earth’s sky, others telescopic pictures of nebulas or galaxies, or views from the rovers on Mars, or pretty much anything about our universe. Most are beautiful and enchanting. It’s how I start my day each day.

Liam recommends The Crystals’ 1962 song “He Hit Me (And It Felt Like A Kiss)”: It’s where Lana Del Rey took the line River Page wrote about in yesterday’s Front Page, and I think it’s even darker than “Ultraviolence.” 

Send your recommendations to thefrontpage@thefp.com

Oliver Wiseman is a writer and editor for The Free Press. Follow him on X @ollywiseman

To support The Free Press, become a paid subscriber today: 

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June 29, 2024 Heather Cox Richardson

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There are many things I would like to write, but I am home, finally, after many months on the road, and it has been a long week. I am going to bed.

Tomorrow, I will be out in my kayak in the place where I took this photograph, no matter what the skies decide to throw at me.

And after I have gotten my bearings, I will be back in the game.

Rest well, everyone.

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June 28, 2024 Heather Cox Richardson

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Book Club: The Triumph of the Yuppies Peter Savodnik

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This month, the Free Press Book Club is hosted by Peter Savodnik, who has two book recommendations: one old, and one new. (Illustration by The Free Press)

Last month, we launched The Free Press Book Club, in which one of our writers recommends a new book they love along with a classic work from the past echoing its themes.

In May, Nellie Bowles praised P.J. O’Rourke’s Parliament of Whores—and the joys of political satire—and paired it with, what else? Her own book, Morning After the Revolution. (Did we mention it became a New York Times bestseller?)

Today, Free Press columnist Peter Savodnik picks Triumph of the Yuppies by Tom McGrath, who argues that the rise of the “young urban professional” in the ’80s corrupted America for good. Peter is matching this book with the classic Bright Lights, Big City by Jay McInerney, who became the unofficial “spokesman for the yuppies” after publishing his breakout novel in 1984.

Below, you’ll find an essay from Peter about how yuppies came to be such an influential and corrosive force in our culture—ultimately leading to the election (and possible reelection) of Donald Trump. And if you’re a paid subscriber, we have a special treat for you. At the end of this piece, you can watch Peter in conversation with Tom McGrath and Jay McInerney about the legacy of the yuppie. They discuss Boomers, Wall Street, the culture of consumerism, a few questions from Free Press readers, and ultimately, they answer the bigger question: What can yuppies teach us about America today?

If you’re not already a paid subscriber, become one now to join our monthly book club. You can watch Peter’s conversation, comment on this essay, and get invited to future in-person book club events. (More on that later!):

Subscribe now

Meanwhile, send us your thoughts about yuppies at books@thefp.com, and consider buying Bright Lights, Big City and Triumph of the Yuppies from the good people at Bookshop, where every purchase through these links earns a commission for The Free Press. Or if you’re an Amazon customer, click here for Tom’s book or here for Jay’s.

And now, here’s Peter on the Triumph of the Yuppies:

My wife and I were at a dinner party a few months ago, in the Hills, in Los Angeles. 

Everyone was in their late 40s or early 50s, and there was a weariness that permeated the conversation—no one wanted to talk about the election, or the border, or China, or AI, or the encampments, or even Ozempic (which, I suspect, two or three people there were injecting regularly). Instead, we talked around the news. There was a vague longing for The Great Before. Before the screens, the brands, the narratives, the curators, the audience-builders. Before there was a conspiracy theory, or theories, swirling around literally everything.

The Great Before—“the time before everyone went crazy,” as our host put it—is the quasi-mythological, prelapsarian America we grew up in: the ’80s. 

This is the thing you need to bear in mind about the ’80s: the gargantuan, unapologetic success of it all.

It wasn’t just about money. It was about ostentatiousness, and, really, the celebration of ostentatiousness. “Material Girl” was a hit. Family Ties was a hit. Working Girl was a hit, with its famous, wince-inducing line, uttered by Melanie Griffith: “I have a head for a business and a bod for sin—is there anything wrong with that?” 

It was also about the American Dream—which had been battered by Vietnam, stagflation, crime, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, the Iranian storming of the U.S. embassy—suddenly rising once again. It was morning in America, as Ronald Reagan reminded us, and the problem was not us, but the communists and big government.

The subtext of all this amounted to an updated social Darwinism: our things were a testament to our national superiority, and our duty as Americans was to keep acquiring them. If we didn’t, could we really say we were superior to everyone else?

All of which is to say that it was not a terribly introspective moment.

Had it been more introspective, we might have realized that the rampant materialism of the yuppie led to a division that now threatens to undo our republic. 

That is the suggestion of my Free Press Book Club pick today: Tom McGrath’s Triumph of the Yuppies: America, the Eighties, and the Creation of an Unequal Nation. While a lot of people made a great deal of money in the ’80s, McGrath writes that the era also fundamentally changed the country for the worse. And we are still living inside that country—whether we realize it or not. 

(Grand Central Publishing)

Specifically, he argues that America, “in its push to revive itself, in its zeal to recapture the dominance and prosperity of the postwar era,” ultimately ended up “elevating self-interest over any sense of the common good.” In short, “the country had created a new economic and social order that wouldn’t easily be undone.”

We all know what the yuppie looks like—he’s the guy in the Hugo Boss power suit with the pocket square, the Rolex, the monogrammed silk suspenders, crushing it with his fellow investment bankers, throwing back gin buck cocktails at the Harvard Club. 

But where did this chump, with his unslakable shallowness, come from?

In the late 1970s and early ’80s, immediately prior to the rise of the yuppie, there was—imagine this, young people of 2024!—a great deal of anxiety about the future.

“The economic burden fell particularly hard on the Baby Boom generation, who were twice as likely to be unemployed as their parents had been in the ’50s and who, even if they had jobs, hardly felt like they were getting ahead,” McGrath writes. Adjusted for inflation, he notes, young people’s salaries actually decreased by $300 annually from 1970 to 1980.

This anxiety, he argues, led to a renewed focus on money and ambition and making all the right decisions—about where one went to school, what one majored in, where one moved after college.

Or who one married, according to the yuppies quoted in McGrath’s book.

Like 28-year-old Robert Drumheller, who told Newsweek in 1981, that “it was very important for me to marry a professional person. One of my goals was to have a high standard of living, and with two incomes you get to the easy life much faster.”

All of a sudden, there was a race for jobs and promotions and spouses, and a relatively small number of young people surged ahead. In 1985, the Chicago Tribune estimated there were 4.2 million yuppies, or 5 percent of all Baby Boomers. Everyone else had been left behind. The era of shared, widespread, upward mobility that had characterized the ’50s and ’60s and petered out in the ’70s, was officially over.

Yuppie America, McGrath told me, was “where you really start to see this divide in America along economic and educational lines.”

It was in May 1980 that the journalist Dan Rottenberg, writing in Chicago magazine, coined the term yuppie, McGrath writes. 

But it would take a few years before the public really became aware of this phenomenon—and before the phenomenon became aware of itself.

Then, in September 1984, Vintage Books published Jay McInerney’s Bright Lights, Big City, catapulting McInerney—then 29 and living on Manhattan’s Lower East Side—into something of a star.

“I woke up one morning right after the book was published,” McInerney told me, “and it was published to very little fanfare initially, but The Wall Street Journal picked up on it very quickly, and they announced that I was the spokesman for the yuppies, which kind of horrified me.”

(Vintage Books)

Interestingly, the term yuppie never appears in Bright Lights, Big City. In 1983, when he wrote the novel, it was not yet popular; by the time the novel came out, McInerney said, “We were deep in the middle of this thing.”

In Bright Lights, McInerney’s unnamed, second-person protagonist, who inhabits the periphery of the yuppie universe, offers the first vivid account of this emergent, slightly horrifying species.

On the one hand, he is a New Yorker fact-checker and an aspiring novelist who fashions himself a man of letters—definitely not a yuppie. On the other hand, McInerney said, the protagonist’s best friend-slash-coke dealer, Tad Allagash, “has really no values except having more fun than everybody else and looking good while doing it, so there’s no question that I was chronicling that world.”

After Bright Lights, Big City took off—Triumph of the Yuppies notes that it sold 10,000 copies in its first three weeks and New York City bookstores couldn’t keep it in stock—McInerney had to change his phone number.

“People were calling me up to ask me advice on how to get to these various places” that he wrote about in the novel, “including quite a number that I just made up,” McInerney said. “There is no Lizard Lounge, but a lot of people wanted to know what street it was on.”

McInerney told me the new yuppie materialism amounted to “a rejection of parental values”—TV dinners, the suburbs, all the assumptions that had governed postwar, middle-class life.

What distinguished this boom time from previous boom times, McGrath added, was not simply the ferocity with which yuppies went about buying their Porsches and Cuisinarts and Julian Schnabel paintings and pretty much everything at Sharper Image. It was the nature of the materialism itself. 

Earlier generations of Americans had subscribed to an “inclusive materialism,” McGrath told me—it was “a keeping up with the Joneses era,” when everyone shopped at Sears. But for yuppies, “it’s more of an exclusive materialism. ‘I’m going to own this thing, because most people do not have it, and it’s a way of setting myself apart, as opposed to a way of being part of the community.’ ” 

“A new generation of young professionals wanted something more, something less common. The buzzword that people started using was quality. The things they purchased would be, like the lives they were trying to create for themselves, excellent.”

By 1985, the anti-yuppie backlash had begun. DIE YUPPIE SCUM started to appear on buildings and streetlamps downtown.

Then, on October 19, 1987, the stock market crashed—with the Dow Jones losing nearly 23 percent of its value, or $500 billion, in a single day. The era of the yuppie was apparently dead.

McInerney smirked when I suggested as much. “Yuppie culture is like the undead,” he told me. “It persisted and thrived and metamorphosed.” 

In fact, both authors noted that the spirit of the yuppie is now alive and well in the ur-yuppie known as Donald Trump. Ironically, his 2016 election came about, McGrath writes, because “families at the top of the economic pyramid controlled 79 percent of all wealth in America, up from 60 percent in the 1980s.”

By then, the long-percolating anti-yuppie sentiment in blue-collar America had curdled into an angrier anti-elitism.

And the billionaire Donald Trump “somehow persuaded many working-class Americans that he was on their side.”

I loved talking to both of these writers and reading Triumph of the Yuppies and rereading Bright Lights, Big City. If you’d like to learn more about New York in the go-go ’80s, Ivan Boesky, Tad Allagash, the story behind the rise of Madonna, and Bolivian Marching Powder (read the novel, people), scroll down:

To listen to Peter’s discussion with Tom McGrath and Jay McInerney, become a subscriber today. You’ll also be able to continue the conversation in the comments.

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