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Medical Schools Should ‘Combat Racism.’ But Not Like This. Jeffrey Flier

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Doctors and medical students at a ‘die-in’ demonstration at UCSF in 2014. (Photo by Lea Suzuki / The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)

In September 1968, I enrolled in the first entering class of the Mount Sinai School of Medicine. It was where I fell in love with medicine. My time at the school, and interactions with its remarkable faculty and classmates, enabled my professional journey as physician, scientist, educator, and eventually my nine years as dean of Harvard Medical School. It’s why, over the past 55 years, I have taken great pride in the growing reputation of what is now the Icahn School of Medicine at Mount Sinai. And it’s why I am so concerned about what appears to be underway at my alma mater.

As a medical student all those years ago, I was taught that proper prescription can only follow accurate diagnosis. This kind of precision and rigor is supposed to inform everything a doctor does. But when it comes to concerns about racism in medical education and practice, precision and rigor are left by the wayside.

Throughout my career, I have been aware of the disturbing history of racism and bias in medicine. Though much has improved in this regard, important problems remain. As dean at Harvard, I worked with colleagues to combat those problems. And so, when I saw a 2020 paper in the journal Academic Medicine authored by my alma mater’s educational leaders about their efforts in “addressing and undoing racism and bias” in medicine, I was eager to read about the work. 

I was soon disappointed. Instead of a scrupulous analysis of an important problem, the paper consisted of dramatic, if unsupported, generalizations about the inherent racism in medical education and practice, and promises of sweeping but vague changes to come.

The authors—Leona Hess, Ann-Gel Palermo, and David Muller—write that at the Icahn School, “we have come to believe that dismantling racism in a complex, adaptive, deeply hierarchical and siloed structure built on a foundation of scientific racism demands approaches that are bold, transformational, adaptive, and systemic.” They also state that “there is no priority in medical education that is more important than addressing and eliminating racism and bias.” And, offering their “personal reflections,” they write, “It is impossible to embark upon this journey, especially for people who are White, without making an active effort to leave behind who we think we are, what we think we have accomplished, the titles and publications—all of it. These are meaningless in the face of what our colleagues and students of color face every waking moment of their lives. Worse than meaningless, they are unearned.” 

Denigrating people’s accomplishments, no matter their race, seems a poor way to improve the practice of medicine. And focusing on the race of physicians and patients, rather than committing to providing excellent care for all, does not sound like an improvement. 

Ironically, the paper also made no reference to the founding of Mount Sinai in 1852 as the Jews’ Hospital, created to provide care to poor Jewish immigrants who, because of antisemitism, could neither obtain jobs as physicians, nor care as patients, in other hospitals. 

The paper posed many more questions than it answered—and I wanted to learn more. So I signed up for a Mount Sinai “Chats for Change” workshop last January, a regular call designed to “spark dialogue centered on racism and bias” that had been mentioned in the paper as part of the school’s “transformational change strategy.” After I logged on to Zoom, some of my concerns about the goals and methods of the program were confirmed. 

The first slide we were shown purported to explain the characteristics of “whiteness” and “white supremacy.” On the right side was a picture of a fish in a bowl, with the words The longer you swim in a culture, the more invisible it becomes. White supremacy culture was defined to include worship of the written word, objectivity, individualism, a sense of urgency, power hoarding, and defensiveness. 

The administrator leading the session proceeded with a series of questions that undermined the necessity of collecting unbiased evidence to establish best medical practices—questions like: “Why is anything that is documented or published valued more highly than other forms of knowledge and communication?” and “Are clinical trials more valuable than patients’ clinical experiences?” 

The questions suggested ignorance about the progress of modern medicine by those leading the session. The advance of medical science and therapeutics requires documenting and publishing results and conducting clinical trials, and neither conflict with nor devalue the importance of patients’ clinical experiences. And what these questions had to do with undoing racism was not at all clear. 

The session’s guidelines expressed encouragement for open dialogue, but no critical discussion ensued. I expressed concerns via chat and a feedback form, but these went unanswered. The session failed to stimulate productive discussion about racism and responses to it that might improve health or enable transformative change. Instead, it advanced a highly questionable ideology about white supremacy and its relationship to modern medicine.

I hoped this initial session might have been an outlier, but things only got worse. At a second online workshop in September titled “Anti-Racist Transformation in Medical Education,” the goal was to discuss strategies for engaging institutional leaders to achieve “necessary change.” But the conversation was disappointingly generic. When I pressed for the specific actions they wanted leaders to adopt, that was not provided. 

I suggested that the term anti-racist, though central to the mission of the school’s Racism and Bias Initiative (RBI), lacked a clear definition in their materials. The RBI discussion leader dismissively responded that “anti-racism was simply opposition to racism,” and that “anyone with a terminal degree should know that.” She then stated that the school’s anti-racism program was not about “encouraging pointless discussions of what anti-racism means.” 

I couldn’t disagree more. As my friend, the physician and bioethicist Lachlan Forrow, points out, unclear terms lead to unclear solutions. If we can’t agree on what race, racism, diversity, inclusion, and equity actually mean, the initiatives based on these terms are likely to be ineffective. But the message of the sessions I attended was clear: much like a devotee accepting holy writ, we were to forgo questions and simply embrace the doctrine, even without knowing what it means. 

In response to this ill-considered approach to anti-racism at Mount Sinai, last summer I submitted a paper to Academic Medicine outlining some of the concerns I am now airing here. This is the way ideas are supposed to be contested in the academy. The paper was rejected in two days, without peer review or editorial explanation, which I found surprising. 

This past December, I contacted one of the authors of the original report, David Muller, who had recently left the position as Mount Sinai’s dean of medical education. I was interested in what the “comprehensive review” of their curriculum for racist elements had revealed, and whether the findings were written up as a scholarly paper to permit analysis and discussion. He reported that in the three years since the paper promising sweeping changes was published, no findings have been reported.

Mount Sinai has positioned itself as a leader in the field when it comes to combating racism at medical school. Eleven other medical schools have joined them as “partners” in their Racism and Bias Initiative program. And yet what they have actually accomplished is not clear. 

There are some parallels to this story at Harvard Medical School. In spring 2021, the school announced a task force to review racism in medical education and devise responses to counter it. Last spring, the school announced that the review and recommendations were completed in the form of a 72-page report. To my surprise, this report has never been made public. 

A copy that I obtained suggested that many aspects of the findings required discussion and debate, which has not occurred. When I was dean, we published the conclusions of reports by appointed committees, after which faculty had the opportunity to discuss and provide feedback in town hall meetings and other settings, sometimes with votes by faculty council. Though I don’t know how this story will end, the handling of this important report on racism in medical education is a matter of concern. 

In conversations with faculty members at both schools, concerns about the approach to anti-racism, not unique to me, are typically met with requests to discuss the topic “off the record,” and without attribution. Faculty concerned about the ideological capture of anti-racism initiatives are reluctant to express this openly for fear they will be labeled insufficiently anti-racist, causing reputational damage they prefer not to risk. 

But it is exactly because the issues of racism and bias in medicine today are so important that precise definitions and rigorous critical discussion are so crucial in medical education. The training of physicians requires that they understand the scientific basis of medicine while being aware of the social determinants of disease, and exhibit the ethical, moral, and behavioral standards that constitute medical professionalism. All of these are needed to treat patients with the highest level of expertise—whatever patients’ racial and ethnic backgrounds, economic and educational status, or political and social views. Inculcating students and trainees with contestable ideological notions and bringing less rigor to the issues of racism than we bring to other serious topics makes this more difficult to accomplish. 

The goal should not be performative discussions and empty virtue signaling; it should be better healthcare outcomes for all. Medical education, when done correctly, should give future physicians the tools they need to treat patients effectively, without racism or bias. But as the focus drifts from evidence-based practices to ideological dogma, we risk graduating doctors who excel in social justice jargon while faltering in the expert delivery of care.

The Hippocratic Oath tells us to “do no harm.” This oath extends beyond surgical theaters and clinical wards into medical education, where the principles of science and the virtues of care combine to forge the next generation of doctors, and they’re the inspiring goals that motivated me to serve as dean of a great medical school. Sadly, I fear that diluting rigor and precision with ideological agendas will degrade the quality of medical education. In a rush to embed vague, contestable, and potentially harmful versions of social justice into medical education, we risk compromising the very foundation of medical training, and ultimately, patient care.

Jeffrey S. Flier, MD is Harvard University Distinguished Service Professor and Higginson Professor of Medicine and Neurobiology. He is a former dean of Harvard Medical School. Follow him on X @jflier.

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Matti Friedman: Israel’s Prisoner’s Dilemma Matti Friedman

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JERUSALEM — In Israel, news of an imminent hostage deal with Hamas grips the country. Fifteen months after the attack of October 7, 2023, when Palestinian terrorists seized 250 civilians and soldiers from Israeli territory, nearly 100 hostages remain in Gaza. The oldest is 86. The youngest is 2. Most seem to be dead, murdered by their captors, or killed inadvertently by Israeli forces, but Hamas refuses to divulge how many. The hostages’ faces have become familiar to everyone in Israel. They’re on posters in bus stops, on telephone poles, hanging from highway bridges. We all feel we know them.

Even though not all details of the deal are clear, Israelis are broadly behind it—a poll on January 15 put the number at 69 percent, with 21 percent unsure and only 10 percent opposed. The mainstream Israeli position is that the government must make every reasonable effort to save the lives of captives, whether that means military operations if possible, or freeing jailed terrorists in exchange for hostages if necessary. Opponents of the deal, even if they’re tortured by the suffering of their fellow citizens in brutal conditions in tunnels under Gaza, see the deal as a form of surrender that rewards the tactic of hostage-taking and invites future attacks, saving people in the present while sacrificing people in the future. In my experience, most people actually hold parts of both positions, but when forced to choose, they tend to choose the first.

For external observers trying to understand the current debate here in Israel, the key is to realize that this is an argument that didn’t start with the current deal—or even with the current war. It’s impossible to understand the debate of 2025 without going back 40 years, to 1985. The debate is less about the details of this deal than about a basic question forced on us by the tactics of our enemies, namely: Does our willingness to assume grave risk to save individuals constitute an Israeli strength or weakness?


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WATCH: H.R. McMaster on Trump—the Good, the Bad, and the Ugly Michael Moynihan

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Very few people have worked closely with Donald Trump, gotten fired, and walked away with a pretty balanced view of him.

But Lieutenant General H.R. McMaster, former national security adviser to President Trump, is an exception.

In his book At War with Ourselves: My Tour of Duty in the Trump White House, he gives an honest account of working in Trump’s first administration: the good, the bad, and the unexpected.

Last week, McMaster, 62, sat down with Michael Moynihan at the National Constitution Center in Philadelphia for a live Free Press Book Club event to discuss it all. They talk about his moments of tension with Trump, his understanding of Trump’s foreign policy, and how Trump’s rhetoric toward adversaries was actually good, despite being villainized by the press.

They also get into Trump’s current cabinet picks—ones who McMaster sees as good, like Marco Rubio and Mike Waltz, but how good picks do not ensure a harmonious administration. They discuss Trump’s options for handling Russia, Iran, and Hamas in his second term, and why McMaster is surprisingly and cautiously optimistic about Trump 2.0. —BW

Dynamics within the first Trump White House:

Michael Moynihan: It’s very clear in your book that you see your job as somebody who has to implement the president’s agenda. But it’s also clear that you see people around you who have their own agenda that they’re trying to foist upon the president.

H.R. McMaster: Absolutely. The first group are people who don’t want to give the president options. They want to manipulate decisions based on their own agenda, not the president’s agenda. Then there were the people in Donald Trump’s administration who defined the president as an emergency or a danger to the country or the world, who had to be contained. And so the problem with those groups of people is that nobody elected them.

MM: There are a couple of people in the book that say, We’re afraid that Donald Trump is dangerous, right?

HRM: Absolutely. It just made everything harder. But at least for my 30 months, we transcended it. We got things done anyway. But every element of that friction just wore us down a little bit—and the other tactics they employed undercut us.

Nobody was as surprised as Donald Trump when he won the 2016 election. So there wasn’t a whole lot of preparation in terms of who’s going to come into many of these positions. He didn’t have any kind of trust built up with a lot of the people. Now it’s going to be somewhat different. He’s had a lot more time to prepare deliberately for this, and he’s selected his people. It was easy to kneecap me, because I didn’t have a history with him. Now it’s going to be harder to do that with Michael Waltz and Marco Rubio. Although they will come under attack because there are still going to be different camps in the new administration based on different motivations.

The president is the most powerful person in the world, so people are going to try to ingratiate themselves to him and try to use him to advance their agenda. People know how to push his buttons. I’ve described my first meeting in the Oval Office as an environment of competitive sycophancy. It was unbelievable. Things were said like, “Your instincts are always so good, Mr. President” and “You’re so wise.” I was like, “My gosh, are these people serious?”

MM: Does he fall for that?


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TGIF: Hard Pivot Nellie Bowles

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Welcome back. This is where, once a week, for a special reprieve, we look at the news and tell jokes. If you’re here for spiritual guidance, I can’t help you (but just in case: yes, you are forgiven your sins).

→ Biden says goodbye: President Joe Biden gave his farewell address Wednesday night, leaving with ominous warnings about dark forces (billionaires) exerting too much influence on American politics. “Today, an oligarchy is taking shape in America of extreme wealth, power, and influence that literally threatens our entire democracy, our basic rights and freedoms, and a fair shot for everyone to get ahead.”

I agree there is a new oligarchy of rich people who manipulate our political landscape, and I, for one, am glad that our president finally sees the danger of MacKenzie Scott and George Soros, billionaire political donors propping up untold numbers of causes. He’s never criticized MacKenzie Scott (formerly Bezos), but I’m sure he was thinking of her, the woman who has thrown $19 billion at activist nonprofits to sway American politics. I’m sure when he just recently gave the Presidential Medal of Freedom to George Soros, he was thinking this is the dangerous oligarch I will speak of soon.

No, I’m being silly. Obviously he means the other side’s dangerous oligarchs! When a billionaire oligarch is throwing money at your own team, they’re just a concerned citizen doing what they can with what they have. Me, I’m balanced, moderate: I love all our oligarchs, on both sides. I want more oligarchs and less democracy. I want our political battles to be fought on warring yachts off the coast of Croatia. See, California lets voters vote on everything, and I’ve seen what too much democracy looks like, and I think that Penny Pritzker and Peter Thiel could sit with each other and come up with something better for us.

Biden continued: “President Eisenhower spoke of the dangers of the military-industrial complex. . . . Six decades later, I’m equally concerned about the potential rise of a tech-industrial complex that could pose real dangers for our country as well. Americans are being buried under an avalanche of misinformation and disinformation, enabling the abuse of power. The free press is crumbling. Editors are disappearing. Social media is giving up on fact-checking. The truth is smothered by lies told for power and for profit. We must hold the social platforms accountable to protect our children, our families, and our very democracy from the abuse of power.”

First of all, Mr. President, The Free Press is doing great. But I love that Biden’s final address to the nation, his farewell, was about the need for Facebook fact-checkers. It was a presidency built around calling the refs, making us feel bad for any criticism (Hunter is a baby boy), and then if that didn’t work, just banning whatever the staff didn’t like that week.


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